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A Paper Defending the Interests of the Workers and Farmers 

VOL. 2. No- 8, 

NEW YORK, N. Y. t FEBRUARY 1, 1933. 


We Must Have Jobless Insurance! 

WIN 1932 

Forced Sales Hit 9 %% Of 
Farms In Five Years 

Nine and one-half percent of 
the farms of the United States 
changed hands thru forced sales 
; the five years ending 
March, 1932, according to the 
figures released by the Euro of 
Agricultural Economics. Fore- 
closure of mortgages, bankruptcy, 
default of contract, sales to avoid 
foreclosure, etc., were the forms of 
forced sales involved. In addition 
sales on account of tax delinquency 
affected 3 % % of the farms and 
there was a turnover of additional 
11'', thru so-called "voluntary 
sales", which, in many cases, were 
far from voluntary. Forced sales 
for taxes doubled in 1932. 

Citing an increase in the num- 
ber of forced sales in 1932 as com- 
pared with the previous year, thf: 
report declares: "Not only were 
there more farms sold as a result 
of tax delinquency but a greater 
number changed ownership as a 
result of mortgage foreclosures, 
and other related causes." 

The report also points out that 
in the five-year period under con- 
tion there has been a 25%- 
Wft, decline in the value of farm 
real estate, frequently extinguish- 
ing the owners equitv in the case 
of many mortgaged farms. 

These startling figures of the 
forced sales of farms show what 
the "sanctity of property" really 
for the masses of the small 
• / owners in the United 
In Nebraska, South Dakota, 
I ota and other agricultural 

states widespread movement- have 
been developing, based on the more 
radical sections of the Farm Holi- 
day Associations, to resist, by con- 
certed action, any forced sales of 
farm lands or stock. These move- 
have so far had considerable 
-"■':. and appear to be growing 
nnben and effectiveness. 

The A. R of L. Must Wake Up! 

IT is now clear to everybody that, in spite of all 
the election ballyhoo, there is no pickup in sight. 
that the economic crisis is growing worse and worse. 
Last month, factory employment in New York State 
dropped three times the usual seasonal decline and 
conditions are at least as bad in other parts of the 
country. Today no less than twelve million men and 
women are out of jobs and it is everywhere ad- 
mitted that, even when the factories get to going 
at full capacity again, at least five million will re- 
main unemployed, permanently disemployed! Acute 
distress, permanent hunger and misery, actual starva- 
tion, are the lot of millions of working men and 
their families in this fourth winter of the crisis! 

What's to be done? The terrible plight of the 
masses of the workers, employed and unemployed 
alike, is a glaring proof of the complete inability 
of the capitalistic system to run our economic 
machinery and to satisfy the needs of the masses. 
No lasting or really deep-going improvement in the 
conditions of the workers and farmers is at all pos- 
sible unless the capitalistic profit system gives way 
to a socialist system in which the land, the factories, 
the machines and the other means of life are the 
property of sociey as a whole and production is 
carried on not for profit but for use. But in the 
immediate situation emergency measures are pos- 
sible and necessary if the direst disaster for the 
masses is to be staved off. And the only effective 
way of meeting the emergency of the crisis, as ex- 
perience all over the world has sufficiently shown, 
is thru compulsory government unemployment 

insurance. Only unemployment insurance, sup- 
plemented by an immediate cash grant to tide over 
until the insurance system gets to working, offers 
the least prospect of real relief to the many millions 
of jobless in this country now and until unemploy- 
ment is abolished altogether by a change in our 
economic system. 

Desperate and confused, many unemployed work- 
ers are turning for a way out to fantastic and even 
dangerous schemes, such as the "self-help barter" 
and "mutual exchange" plans. Not such blind- 
alleyfs but the clear road of unemployment insurance 
hold out any hope for the jobless. 

After years of opposition and resistance, the A. 
F. of L. officials finally gave in to the sentiment of 
the rank and file and came out for unemployment 
insurance. In November the Cincinnati convention 
went on record for it by a large majority. What 
has the A. F. of L. done about it since? Nothing! 
Not a word, not a gesture! Does the Executive 
Council intend to do anything to carry out the 
convention decisions? Every union man, every 
union organization should put this question to the 
Executive Council and to President Green. The 
truth is that the A. F. of L. officials will do nothing 
at all about the matter unless there is developed a 
powerful, organized demand in the unions, among 
the rank and file members, for action. Such a move- 
ment is the great need of the day! 

The situation is desperate! We must have com- 
pulsory Federal unemployment insurance! Every 
v/orker, employed or unemployed, every union and 
organiaztion of labor, must unite for this end! 

20 Years In a Georgia Hell! 

Angelo Hern don, a 19-year old 
Negro boy from Cincinnati, has 
been sentenced in Georgia, to 
eighteen to twenty yearn of ira- 
j/rvnynment — for being a Com- 

Taking advantage of a law 
passed over sixty years ago against 
the danger of an insurrection of 
the defeated slaveowners, the State 
of Georgia has convicted the young 
Communist of "attempting to 'incite 
insurrection," a charge carrying 
the death nenalty or imprisonment 
from five to twenty years. The 
jury, which fixed the term, had 
not a single Negro on it, since all 

colored people had been barred. 

Eighteen to twenty years for br- 
ing a Communist in darkest Geor- 
gia! Eighteen to twenty years for 
being a Negro with nerve to stand 
up for his rights, for refusing to 
bow his head to the "lordly" white 

The conviction of Angelo Hern- 
don and the savage sentence visit- 
ed upon him should stand as a 
challenge to every worker and 
farmer in this country, to every 
colored man, to every man or 
woman who prizes liberty and 
justice! If the Herndon verdict is 
allowed to pass uncontested, every 

militant working man, every up- 
standing Negro is in grave danger, 
not only in the State of Georgia 
but everywhere else that thf; reae 
tionary forces are strong enough 
to make the bid! 

What are you going to do about 
it? Are you going to let Herndon 
be sent away to a hellish Georgia 
orison for eighteen to twenty years 
just because he is a Communist? 
In coming to the defense of Hern- 
don, you are defending yourself, 
vour organization, your future! 

The Internationa] Tabor Defense 
is appealing the Herndon case! It 
deserves and must receive your 
fullest support! 


Peonage Plan Put Over 
As "Relief" Measure 

New York City. 
Forced labor and peonage in the 
• &t unemployment relief are 

■'■■■ The first state camp 

'/' homele* men" for New York 

lp at Biauvelt, 
Kocldand County, according to the 
ai the Temporary 
tehtif Administration. 

' hile they are put to 

■ ; torn tain on unpro- 

ork ir; the Pi 

interstate Park. The pay wfl] be |6 

- fr&m which e&penst* fvr 

KjOd and cfotf •; -, ,,. foducfal 
fat semi-prison 


JOIN the Communist Party of the U. S. 
*■* A. (Opposition) and do your bit to- 
wards uniting the Communist movement 
on the basis of effective, realistic Leninist 

Name „.._ 

Address . 



SUBSCRIBE to the "Workers Age", of- 
ficial paper of the Communist Oppo- 
sition, and keep informed as to all devel- 
opments of interest to labor at home and 




Sub rates during drive: #1.00 a year; #0.50 for six months 
Write to: 228 Second Avenue, New York City 

Herbert Zam 

On Jan. 29th, 228 2nd Avenue 


Flare-Up In The Far East 
Soviet Union Menaced 

Washington, D. C. 
The renewed Japanese drive into 
Manchuria, involving the invasion 
of Jehol and penetration to the 

Great Wall, has again ignited the 
powder magazine in the Far East. 
The great world powers, Great 
Britain, Japan, the United States 
and Franco, are at daggers ends, 
while the danger of an attack 
upon the Soviet Union in the Far 
Bast is again rising on the horizon 
as an immediate menace. 

The antagonisms between the 
United States and Japan are 
especially sharp. Secretary of State 
Stimson has reiterated the United 
States policy of the refusal to re- 
cognize diplomatically any acquisi- 
tions made by Japan in its inva- 
sion of the Asiatic mainland. At 
the same time, the Japanese War 
Office has officially accused the 
United States of supplying mili- 
tary and financial help to the 
Chinese forces and to the Nanking 
government. France and Great 
Britain are still vacillating, tend- 
ing to lean towards Japan in 
decisive matters. 

The Japanese government has 
refused to conclude the non-ag- 
gression pact with the Soviet 
Union. This step is regarded every- 
where as a demonstration of active 
hostility to the U. S. S. R. 


Ft. Wayne Communist Is 
Rushed To Norway 

New York City. 
On January 4, 1033, Halvard 
Bojer, the young Norwegian en- 
gineer who had been seized some 
weeks before because of his activ- 
ities a.-, head of the Communist Op- 
position organization in Fort 
Wayune, Indiana, was deported to 
Norway. All legal attempts to halt 
the deportation proceedings proved 

The only charge against Bojer 
was that he was a Communist and 
active in Communist work. On the 
basis of this precedent the Depart- 
ment of Labor is able now to de- 
port any non-citizen radical work- 
er for the mere reason that he his 
a radical quite apart from any- 
thing he may have done. The 
power that this gives to the em- 
ployers in getting rid of militant 
leaders of the workers in strikes, 
unemployed movements and other 
labor Struggles, is evident. Never 
was it so urgent for all labor and 
organizations to unite in order to 
smash this new deadly weapon of 
the employers—the labor deporta 

tion ! 


Join the Communist Opposition! 


Really encouraging results have met the efforts of the Communist 
Opposition to strtnffthm its organization amd tooomnrt its growing 
volitical influence into a growing membership. The New i ork com- 
mittee reports that, in the last two months alone, at least forty <i* m - 
• the Opposition in this city. Thee* tneludo needle 
trade* mv ■■-'■ building trades workers, «to Especially 

sss made by the Youth Opposition in 

\ York City. ., 

s reeeni tour, covering ftve cities, over 
fJtT ,.- . .^rn^rs have beer, won for thr Commiaust Opposition, 

These results Of truly encouraging but they are far from ade- 
quate. The political influence exercised by the Communist Opposition 
among the **S and sympathizers and among the adinnced 

workers, is still far greater than its organizational strength. This is 
-J gap that m a > by the recruiting drivel 



January 15, 1933, 
When I first came from Califor- 
nia in January 1932. I became a 
member of the Communist Party 
in New York, Unit 8, Section 2. 
- . work was in the Un- 

emploved Council, working out of 
ranch at 4 IS West 53 Street. 
The council had been active in 
the neighborhood for almost two 
with countless demonstra- 
tions, meetings, street meetings. 
.:-\ nations, etc., but at the end of 
two years there was not one block 
committee functioning. In spite of 
the fact that the "Daily Worker" 
was daily printing spectacular 
stories of "achievements", the 
actual results were so poor as to 
se: me to thinking. Naturally I 
could not helD beginning to critic- 
ire some of the leaders and some 
of the policies. This brought me 
into plenty of trouble. The upshot 
of it was that I was handed a let- 
ter from the district, charging 
that I did not have the slightest 
ides of party discipline and show- 
ed decided signs of "Lovestoneite 

Well, at that time I still believ- 
ed the "Daily Worker" stories 
about "Lovestoneism" and. much to 
my regret now, I made no attempt 
to" investigate the Opposition. As 
a result of the whole business. T 
decided to go back to California 
and forget some of the bad me- 
mories connected with the partv. 
While 'in Ljos Angeles, (word 
came from New York askinc me to 
work in the Unemployed Council. 
After a while. I returned to un- 
emoloved activities and trouble 
started aerain. The party in Los 
Ansreles is confined to a small sec- 
tion of the city, which is the entire 
Communist movement in Southern 
California. The Communist move- 
moreover, is limited to 
foreism-born workers and the 
entire secretariat has been brought 
over from New York. The leader- 
shin -and the orientation of the 
■Darty made it really impossible fcr 
it +o influence the overwhelming 
bulk cf rhe employed workers or 
the 400.000 jobless in Southern 
At that time. I thought all we 
bad to do was to °*et "rid of that 
trpe cf leader and to figrht buro- 
"~-.- But when, once more, I was 
I out because of "T ovestone- 
- 3 'Trotskyism" and a few 
more ism?. I thought it was 
to beg-in learning something 
wt the Opposition. 

-owledee gained in sttidy- 

U t erature of ihe Oppos'- 

-■ened my eve; to the Veal. 

ibentaJ causes r nr the situa- 

n the narrv ar,d for the weak- 

: and shortciminesi which 

- pfesora resolution repeats 

a arain without ever 


It was then that T discovered 

t "exceptional- 

■-- real nature of the 

~ and saw how 

station of Leninist tactical 

ptes led to diaa 

■oot in Lo«* Angeles. 

" • • Dsrox of a 

■ to fieht the police 

• in L. A. bat the partv 

•■ «H: "Oh. no! W« makft 

gO tB* ith th*> social- 

A united 

from below**— which, of 

coo^^e. j« no united front at all ! 

When 1 saw clearlv what were 
the root troubles in the partv and 


V "T - eft w»A Porlmm 

we Bern EUuutMto. ft a 

Weddings, etc 
509 Locw Street Pfcilaaelpbia 

how the Opposition program would 
eliminate them, it was my duty to 
join the C. P.-Opposition and do 
my best to show the party mem- 
bers and advanced workers that 
the party's present line is wrong 
and must be changed. In doing this 
I have no desire to form a new 
Communist Party and the Opposi- 
tion feels the same way about it. 
All of us who have been expelled 
would gladly go back to the party 
this very minute if we were free 
to voice our opinions in the party 
and not be strangled by the buro- 
cratic caricature of discipline in 
the party. 

For these reasons I am joining 

the Communist Partv (Opposition! 



Madrid, Spain. 
The most ruthless savagery was 
employed by the Azana regime, 
supported by the pro-monarchist 
Civil Guard, in suppressing a series 
of far-flung revolts thruout the 
country that began in the early 
days of January and continued for 
over two weeks. The insurrection- 
ary movement was initiated by the 
Anarchist groups in alliance with 
the anarcho-syndicalistic trade 

The wave of revolt was fore- 
doomed to failure because the con- 
ditions for a successful working 
class revolution did not exist and 
do not yet exist in Spain, so that 
the insurrection was essentially a 
desperate adventure. According to 
the information at hand, none of 
the Communist groups sponsored 

endorsed the outbreak, altho all, 
of course, came to the defense of 
the insurgents under the attack of 
the government. 

New Workers School 

228 Second Avenue 
New York City 



Four short series of three lectures each 
Fridays, 8:30 P. M., begin Feb. 3. Single admission 25c. 

MARXIAN ECONOMICS II, by Bertram D. Wolfe. 

Second term of two-term course 
Tuesday 8:30 P. M., begin Feb. 9. 

SCIENCE FOR WORKERS, by Maxwell C. Stewart 
Thursdays, 8:30 P. M., begin Feb. 9. 


Fridays, 7:00 P. M., begin Feb. 10 

Tuesdays, 8:30 P. M., begin Feb. 9. 

Tuesdays, 7:00 P. M., begin Feb. 7. 






Thursdays, 7:00 P. M,, begin Feb. 9. $2.50 


Thursdays, 8:30 P. M., begin April 20. $1.00. Single admission 35c 

Tuesdays, 7:00 P. M., begin Feb. 7. 

by H. Zam 

Thursdays, 7:00 P. M., begin Feb. 9 $2.50 


Fridays, 7:00 P. M., begin Feb. 10. $2.50 

For trade unionists $1.00 — Single admission 25c 


The N. Y* Jobless Insurance Meet 


228 Second Avenue (Cor. 1 4th Street) 



Herbert Zam 

New Workers School 



Paul Porter 

League for Industrial Democracy 


New York City. 

A preliminary conference called 
by the so-called "New York A. F, 
of L. Committee for Unemployed 
Insurance" was held at Irving 
Plaza, Sunday January 22. This 
conference was called to endorse a 
state-wide conference of labor or- 
ganizations to be held in Albany, 
February 25, 26 and 27. 

About* 90 delegates were present 
at the conference, representing i9 
locals of the American Federation 
of Labor, mostly building trades, 
14 independent unions, and 32 po- 
litical and fraternal organizations 
including one branch of the Social 
ist party (Huntington, L. L). 

The conference was manipulated 
in mechanical fashion from the be- 
ginning. No credentials commit 
tee was elected from the floor, but 
was provided for bv the leaders of 
the conference. This credentials 
committee, reporting thru Brother 
Weinstock, proposed the seating of 
two delegates from each of the lo- 
cal unions, but only one delegate 
from each of the workers political 
parties and groupings that were 
n resent, except the Socialist party 
hranch, whose two delegates were 
both seated. It is noteworthy that 
the credentials committe declared 
that no representation of the op- 
position prroupiners in trade unions 
would be seated onlv bona-fide 
locals or branches. The "united 
front from below", which for three 
vears had been based on "rank 
nnd file committees" and opoosi- 
tion croups, received a rude shock 
in this latest turn. 

In discussion from the floor. Ben 
Lifshitz of the Communist Oppo- 
sition introduced a motion for the 
broadening of the Albany Confer- 
ence, to make it thoroly representa- 
tive of all tendencies in the labor 
movement and calling for represen- 
tation not only from locals and 
branches but also from the central 
trades and labor bodies, the dis- 
trict councils and the Socialist 
party. He also proposed that the 
onference go on record for a na- 
tional minimum wage law. 

Clarence Hathaway, the Commu- 
nist Party representative, an- 
swered Lifshitz and other speakers 
of various Communist tendencies 
but with unusual "moderation" 
and without name-calling. "How 
-an we unite with the reactionary 
leaders, the Greens, who have done 
everything possible to hinder the 
struggle of the workers?" was his 

The resolutions committee was 
elected on a narrow basis and in- 
luded no representatives of other 
than those of the official Commu 
nist tendency, in the conference. 
Weinstock reported again: that the 
ielee:ates_ seated should constitute 
a provisional committee issuing 
the call for the Albany Conference 
to all local labor unions and social 
and fraternal organizations. Lif- 
shitz amended that the call include 
ill central trades and labor coun- 
cils and workers political organiza- 
tions. Bordman and TVeinstock 
bastened to say: "W e accept the 
biXsnitz proposal", and, unon in- 
sistence from the floor, declared 
that it would be incorporated ir 
the call. 

We point out here the discrep- 
ancy between the remarks of Hath- 
away against a "united front with 
leaders, on the one hand, and the 
acceptance of a call to these very 
leaders by the resolutions commit- 
tee, on the other. 

A committee of seven, again 

elected on a narrow basis, was 

chosen to carry thru technical ar- 

e n "r nientS f ° r the Alban >* Con " 

* * * 

This conference represents a sig- 
nificant partial "turn" in the 
many turns of party tactics. It 
hf«L cc . rtain !>' a step towards 
broadening the movement for un- 
employment insurance and labor 
legislation altho it remains still 

StiS, W !" C £ ara< ; ter - But *he orien- 
tation to "locals and branches" 
only indicated the partial nature of 

the turn from the "united front 
from below". The very mechani- 
cal method of working at the con- 
ference shows how small was the 
turn from the old "united front 
around the Communist Party". 
The approach to Socialist party 
branches only and the securing of 
only one small outlying branch at 
the turn from the "united front 
a time when the Socialist party is 
planning a separate unemployment 
relief conference and when every 
effort should have been made for 
one united conference, shows that 
the theory of "scoial-fascism" still 
has a deadly grip upon the united 
front tactics of the ->nrty. The 
proposals of the Communist expo- 
sition are for a real turn in party 
nolicy in regards to the united 
front, the scrapping of the theory 
of "social fascism" and the so-cal- 
led "united front from below", and 
the rejection of the sectarian poli- 
cies and methods of the party. 

— b; h. 

LOCAL 25, A.C.W. 

Brooklyn, New York. 

Over six hundred workers pack- 
ed the Amalgamated Temple in the 
Brooklyn meeting of Local 25 of 
the Amalgamated Clothing Work- 
ers, on January 11, 1933. 

The main order of business of 
this exceptionally well-attended 
local meeting was a report of the 
local executive on trade questions. 
One section of this report aroused 
considerable interest and discuss- 
ion on the part of the workers. 
This was the recommendation of 
the local executive to take away 
all membership rights for one year 
from Morris Shneiderman who'was 
charged by the local officialdom 
with "creating riots," once in the 
Astoria Hall and on another oc- 
casion in the Amalgamated Tem- 
ple^ over the question of the distri- 
bution of the unemployment insur- 
ance fund. Shneiderman insisted 
not only good standing members 
but also members not in good 
standing should receive the benefit 
of this fund. The recommendation 
of the local executive to take away 
Shneiderman's membership rights 
for one year brought a storm of 
protest among the workers. The 
local executive had recommended 
that two speakers be granted the 
floor for each side, with each side 
having a right to select its own 
spokesmen in the discussion on this 

After a hard fight, the Amalga- 
mated Progressive Circle succeed- 
ed in changing this rule and in 
presenting its own position on the 
whole matter. Ostrinsky was se- 
lected as spokesman of the Pro- 
gressive Circle. He emphasized that 
he was not now concerned with the 
so-called "crime" of Shneiderman. 
It was the penalty that was the 
problem now. He went on to say: 
"It is thru our hard fight that 
we have succeeded in getting more 
democracy in our local union. It is 
only thru the mass pressure of the 
workers that we have succeeded in 
reinstating workers. What does 
the executive propose to do now? 
To go backward? To take away 
our rights? To begin to suspend 
members again? We must reject 
this recommendation of the Ex- 
ecutive." This proposal of the Pro- 
gressive Circle was turned down 
by the chairman. A vote was taken 
and the chairman announced that 
the executive's recommendation 
was carried by 309 to 117. This 
count was so obviously a fraud 
that a protest of condemnation 
swept the hall. Then, the Progres- 
sive Circle spokesmen proposed, as 
another way of rejecting the local 
executive's recommendation for the 
suspension of Shneiderman, that it 
should be referred back to the Ex- 
ecutive for reconsideration. This 
motion was then unanimously 
adopted and a distinct rebuke was 
administered to the local executive 
in its attempt to start new ex- 
pulsions. A. 



Lenin and Communist International 

*#^*^^ f rr^ J ^ iMtion of lh C lutical rules of .trug- 

T ,. artfek 6eto« firsi ^PP*^ 

&ftfew£ the orii.U ami 
, ■ . v E>«<xmw even 

^•mo it on the 
"** ° f 

n i„ * few vears after Lenin's 
Jtf the International which, he 
deatn, , U1 \ , 1(3 j ;,, ; n a serious 
fb^dedan-yg - ^ y and 

SS^a&nS: it >vas Lenin who 
,w that the developing gap be- 
SEnTthfl victorious proletarian 
Ration and the rapid construe- 
Hon of socialism in the U. b. b. #-> 
on the one hand, and "the slow 
pment of the proletarian re- 
v>uion in West Europe' and 
America, on the other, would lead 
I a serious crisis m the Com- 
munist International— unless these 
factors were counteracted thru the 
conscious development of a broad 
collective international leadership 
and a line of strategy based upon 
a careful examination and analysis 
of the objective situation. 

Lenin The Internationalist 
Lenin alwavs labored to make 
the Comintern a genuine interna- 
tional organization, to gather in it 
all those who stood for the revolu- 
tionarv struggle for the overthrow 
of capitalism and the establish- 
ment of the rule of the proletariat. 
He sought to develop a truly inter- 
national leadership in which all 
sections would participate collect- 
ivelv. Without for a moment mini- 
mizing the international lessons of 
the Russian Revolution and the 
dutv of the Russian party to con- 
tribute its superior experience and 
capacities for leadershiD to the col- 
lective leadership of the Comintern, 
Lenin was very anxious to avoid 
the danger, or even or the appear- 
ance, of a "Russian International." 
At the eighth congress of the Rus- 

Some Vital Lessons for Today 

by Bertram D. Wolfe 

sian Communist Party he expressed 

this very clearly: 

-M„v comrades have talked them- 

.elvos nno the idea ' *« "** 

; 111SSU ,„ of all utbaal partves to the Commute* oi the Ru * 
MW Communist Party. Comrade i 
SSi almost said it. He makes a «• 
nmrk that it would not be such a bad 

idea. 1 must answer that if a«l 1,L _ 
would propose any such uung ^ L 
would have to condemn him. 

* * * 

Lenin The "Execptionalist" 

Lenin fought very energetically 

acainst any attempt to torce a 

mechanical uniformity upon a 

world which is one-sixth prole- 

j five-sixth under capital- 
■V' r a u ^ a wW in which there „ 

dogma, learning by heart a 

mechanical repetition of ready- 
made formulas, with his tireless 
demands to "investigate, study, 
ascertain, grasp the nationally 
peculiar, the nationally specific 
features in the concrete attempts 
of every country to solve the 
aspects of a single international 
problem," Lenin was, in the terms 
of the heroes of new course, the 
areh-"exceptionalist." It was in his 
classical pamphlet on "Leftism" 
that Lenin said: 

"One must clearly realize that such 
a leading center (as the Communal 
International) can under no Circum- 
stances be built after a single model. 

— from "Labor Action" 

«r-ir r P n nf the A F of L assures the convention of the State Federation of Labor of 
^thrst^e o S f— tha? racketing' has "practically disappeared from the A. F. of L. unions." 

by i mechanical uniformity ttd - 
ixatios of tin tactic*] rolw " f »»ug- 
vie. So long as national aad rt*tt 
5iflerenc« uu»t b«tw«wi oeopiM *nd 
countrio (and these .lufrin:.-- 
continoa to exist for .« v&y lent <" :: ^ 
even after the realiaaUofl oi tba pro 
tctariao dictatonhip oh a »rori<J 
the unity of the international tactics o( 
the Communist labor movement every- 
where demand* not the elimination ol 
the varied national diiferetca CAu-, 
.it the present moment, is t* J 
dream) but such an application of tho 
fundamental principles of Communism 
(Soviet power and the dictatorship oi 
the proletariat) which would permit oi 
the proper modification of these prin 
ciples in particular and their correct 
adaptation and application to national 
and nation-state differences." 
* ♦ # 

Lenin The Man Of The Masses 

Lenin was always the bitterest 
enemy of demagogy. Lenin was the 
most determined opponent of the 
theory of "spontaneity," of the 
theory that the masses develop 
political consciousness of them- 
selves, without leadership, without 
theory, without organized direction. 
At the same time Lenin never tired 
of warring upon sectarianism, 
upon those who would abandon the 
backward workers, upon phrase- 
mongers, upon all those who mis- 
take their own desires for reality 
upon all those who put forwar' 
their own "impatience" as a theor- 
etical argument.To Lenin the Com- 
munists represent a vanguard, 
straining every nerve, every energy 
to maintain contact with the mass- 
es and to lead them forward — but 
never to remain a little sectarian 
group running so far ahead of the 
masses as to lose touch with them. 

"The whole Communist problem," 
Lenin pointed out, "is to be able to 
convince the backward, to work in 
their midst and not to set up a barrier 
between us and them, a barrier of ar- 
tificially childish "left" slogans." 

One of the most dangerous 

characteristics of the present line 

p the Communist International 

(Continued on. Page 7) 


The Sweatshop Comes Back 

A Grave Menace To The Labor Movement 

It is indeed a striking evidence 
of the complete bankruptcy of the 
capitalist system that in the midst 
of the most widespread unemploy- 
ment ever known in this country or 
anywhere else, at a time when 
twelve million men and women can 
find no work to sustain their lives, 
the sweatshop and child labor, 
those symbols of capitalist ruth- 
lessness, are coming back into their 
own, are flourishing as never be- 
fore in recent days. 

Child Labor Returning 
According to the reports of the 
Children's Euro of the Department 
of Labor child labor has been un- 
interruptedly increasing in the last 
two years, The mills and tactories 
where children and women can be 
employed, the needle trades, the 
clothing and textile industries, are 
rapidly approaching a state recall- 
ing the early days of the industrial 
revolution. Thruout the country 
labor laws of every kind, and, in 
particular, child labor laws, are 
being openly flouted. As a result 
the sweatshop, with all its old 
abuses of long hours, miserable 
pay, and unsanitary conditions, is 
springing up everywhere, even in 
localities where it was unknown 

* • * 

Conditions In Four States 

rta are piling up to show 

iB horror of the situation. In 

ectieat, the horrible example, 

nave been found of children 

■ "-■ b hop eighty or more 

week. Employers' punched 

al nun 

rs, including 

far beyond 

"Child labor 

wages," declares 

dollar a week jobs" in the sweat- 

Conditions in Massachusetts are 
about the same. A year ago the 
Minimum Wage Commission re- 
ported that rates as low as ten 
and even five cents an hour were 
being paid to girl workers in Fall 
River. Practically all the sweat- 
shops in that state, we are inform- 
ed, have appeared since the de- 
pression and the labor laws are 
iar inadequate to deal with the 

In Pennsylvania a recent survey 
of 150 clothing factories by the 
State Buro of Women and Chil- 
dren found that at least one-half 
were employing children. In some 
cases over half of the working 
force consisted of children. The 
working week was found to be fif- 
ty hours on the average of 44% 
of the children were receiving less 
than $3 weekly, while over 759' 
were receiving less than $5 a week. 
These conditions seem to prevail 
thruout Pennsylvania. 

New York's record is not much 
better. Miss Frances Perkins, the 
State Industrial Commissioner, re- 
ports a tremendous increase in low- 
paid piecework. Children are 
working for less than $5 a week 
and many are receiving no more 
than 35e a day. In New York vio- 
lations of child labor laws have 
been increasing at a rapid rate, 
there being 30% more in 1931 
than in 1030. Miss Perkins also 
declares that children are being 
given adults jobs in increasing 

"is to 
hours while the w 
the child] 

r .-r : al" wee 

■■:.<: of Labor of that 

rharacterize the sweatshops 

■ .' adn try in th'; 

ectieat." The general 

. >.ions found ■ 

tre now at the level of fifty 
majority of ehfldren 
-or king eer 
Tiave found two dollar and three 

What To Do 
The encroachments of child labor 
and sweatshop conditions constitute 
a grave menace to the working 
class. The labor movement must 
not lose a moment in answering 
the challenge, A united struggle 
(Continued on Page 7) 

The Farmers In 

The following resolution ivas 
passed at a recent meeting of the 
Fort Wayne, Indiana, Chamber of 
Labor. It is a good reflection of 
the new spirit o} militancy that is 
beginning to seize hold of consider- 
able sections of _ the American 
people today. — Editor. 
* * * 
To the honorable members of the 
Legislature (Senate and House) of 
the State of Indiana: 

We, the undersigned, residents 
and citizens, taxpayers of the State 
of Indiana, Allen County, of all 
hades of political thought and 
partisanship, respectfully petition 
our honorable bodies to enact a 
law suspending the foreclosure of 
mortgages in the courts and the 
sale of property for delinquent 
taxes, until such time as the pre- 
sent depression lifts and the 
people are again able to discharge 
their indebtedness to the state and 
private parties. 

We respectfully but firmly, and 
in the American spirit of 1776, say 
to your honorable bodies that the 
day of petition is nearly, or quite, 
past and the day of demand is 
dawning, if not already here. We 
point you, our servants, to tho 
things now occuring in our sister 
state of Iowa and we ask you in 
spirit aforesaid, but firmly and as 
clearly as we have language, not, 
by delay, to force us, a peaceful 
and law-respecting people, to take 
our salvation into our own hands, 
as did the fathers of this republic 
in 177fj. You can give us this law. 
The matter is now up to you. 
Respect this our petition. Do not 
force us to demand in a way that 
is against our inclinations. For be 
assured that we must and will have 
relief, at your hands if you will, 
at our own hands if forced, as 
were the fathers of this country 
in 177G! 

Fraud In Cutters Local 10 

Welfare League Protests Election Steal 

New York City. . ballots were found on the top neat- 
On January 3, a committee of ly pressed, all oi tnem uncieasea. 
the Cutters vv'eliare Cluo appear- a. wnen one ot uie opposition can- 
ed beioie the appeal cummiaee oi didates got hold or &ume oi uieae 
tne Kj. iii. B. o± uie 1. L. G. W. U. \ ballots and astted the 

and brought charges tnat tne 
elections m Local x\) held on ue- 
cember 17 were conducted m a 
most fraudulent and irregular 
manner and therefore a new elec- 
tion should be held. Martin Peid- 
man, opposition candidate lor pre- 
sident, gave a detailed outline oi 
what happened during and after 
the balloting: 

1. During the voting the atten- 
tion of the election board and of 
the oiticers of our union was call- 
ed to the fact that certain people 
were repeating. 2. Certain mem- 
bers or oui union, wno are not 
eligible to vote, did vote. 3. An 
understanding was reached be- 
tween the aaministration and the 
opposition before the voting start- 
ed that everyone with a nine 
month limit should be able to vote. 
This was reversed by administra- 
tion after the first fifteen mi- 
nutes of voting and the thirteen 
weeks limit was practised and only 
those who were favorable to Perl- 
mutter and Horetsky, the officials, 
were allowed to vote. 4. After 
ballot number 700 was cast the 
following ballots was already 749. 
About 2oO ballots were missing, 5. 
The official count of ballots was 
134G but the automatic register 
held by the opposition counting 
ballots dropped into the box show- 
ed only 1017. 6. After 6:30 P. M. 
when the election board closed the 
voting, they went for supper and 
left the ballot boxes, with the bal- 
lots, in the office of the hall with 
no one from either side to watch 
them. There are witnesses to testi- 
fy that certain people having (of- 
ficially) no connection with the 
union opened the ballot boxes and 
stuffed them. 7. When the ballot 
boxes were opened all the stuffed 

Paul Porter 

On Feb. 4, Z28 - 2nd Ave. 
'Militant Socialism Today' 


what he thought of it, the manager 
oxtered the buggestion tnat tnese 
ballots be put asiue and tne count- 
ing continued, and u tnese uauuts 
wuuld be the ueciding lactor in Uie 
election then we "would see what 
could be done." While these con- 
versations were going on the chair- 
man 01 the election uoard grauoed 
the ballots out of his hanus and 
mixed them with the rest of the 
ballots. At this point this part- 
icular candidate retused to parti- 
cipate in Uie counting and lext the 
pmce in protest, y. filter counting 
the banocs, wnvn the oox of stuus 
was opened, the same nicely press- 
ed stubs were found on the top and 
the numbers of these were the 
same as those that were missing 
during the balloting.. 

After presenting these charges, 
Feldman called his first witness, 
an old member of our union and 
a Socialist. This witness stated 
that he himself did not vote tor 
the opposition, only for certain 
candidates and he personally dis- 
liked some active members for 
their left wing and Communist 
activities. Still he thought that tho 
elections were not fair and that 
everyone must be given a chance 
and that it was a dishonor to 
Local 10 to conduct elections in 
such a manner. He also stated that 
he had called the attention of some 
of the election board to certain 
things as a matter of suggestion 
but had been ignored. 

After this witness Feldman 
wanted to call eight more witness- 
es to testify tu all the charges 
made in his brief but he was 
stopped by the chairman of the 
appeals committee and the floor 
was given to Brother Perlmutter, 

the manager of Local 10. Perl- 
mutter stated that he had no ob- 
jections to the G. K. B. electing a 
committee to conduct a new elec- 
tion in the local, but ho raised the 
question that the membership had 
(Continued an Page 7) 




The report of th* Hoover Com- 
mittee oa Social lYends. recently 

I .- ft summary, ooastitttte^ ,-■ 

a monumental docu 
t»oa ot toe store obvioas social and 
economic facts and ■-.■■»•> . 

tne first third of this century. But 
te s < -.utVanee pa$$e$ tar bayonet 
thau: it provides the most reveal- 
ing evidence of the iuv.dty of co* because » bears sonic tfism» 
SOCMkl science tor an un- sen..- mm* ,. M ir v 
ting the problems of a ei\il- ' 
ixauon heading- rapu..\ 

Happening to America? 

On the "Social Trends" Rehort 

by Will Uerbei g 

SMS*. ,he SCkfiOto and the (**«*%», 
Nrhftvun ... In «■*!,» x \l .,1 ,k— 


r**Ct upon 

for the 
aby&s. Ooafroatoa « it h d .-• e tap 
ment$ of such profound import, tne 
N l&geace o; :hc 
■•. 51 r&Stlfigttished bourgeois SO* 
I g sts shrinks to puny dinien- 
- > its :''-- >o:is are discov- 
. , .. be mere pretense; it re- 
places real analysis by trivial even- 
..-.-> swathed in academic mys- 
tification; it is radically incapaole 
of grasping the present or of fore- 
seeing the future, . . . 

The factual material, presented 
in the two volumes by voluminous 
special studies, contains practical- 
ly nothing that has not been a mat- 
ter of common knowledge for some 
years to ail interested in such mat- 
ters, "ihere 1$ no point in attempt- 
ing any summary here. The pres- 
ent status and future trend of pop- 
ulation, the most important vital 
Statistics, the reckless utilization 
01 nnneial resources and agricul- 
tural and forest land (under capi- 
talism; , the absolutely, astounding 
technological advance and its only 
too well-known consequences, the 
striking improvements in commu- 
nications, the chief economic chang- 
es in the thirty years of recurrent 
prosperity and depression, the sig- 
nificant modifications in the struc- 
ture of occupational groups, the re- 
markable but still very limited ad- 
vance of women in social and eco- 
nomic life, the decline and insta- 
bility of the family, the diminish- 
ing influence of religion in the 
modern world but the gain in 
church membership in the years of 
crisis, the increase of '"depend- 
ence of labor upon a going con- 
cern and an economic system al- 
most entirely beyond its control.*' 
the brief rise and the rapid fall of 
real wages, the intensification of 
instability, insecurity and unem- 
ployment, the failure of the 
labor movement in the last two 
decades, its more recent decline in 
numbers and fighting power, the 
main trends in consumption, the 
steady rise in crime and the admit- 
ted inability of (bourgeois) society 
to cope with the problem, the multi- 
plying questions of public debt and 
taxation, the antiquated character 
and the inefficiency of the govern- 
mental apparatus (from the capi- 
talist viewpoint), the breakdown 
of (bourgeois) democracy and re- 
presentative government, the grow- 
ing fusion of government and busi- 
ness and the increasing power and 
importance of the executive — these 
are the most important findings of 
the Hoover Committee; there is 
hardly a single item that has not 
been documented, commented upon, 
discussed, and moralized about in 
the so-called "serious" magazines 
in the last -ten years. 

l>ut even this method, precisely 

-.-.sin, of which it 

is a bourgeois vulgariaaUon, is not 
consistent^ applied in the com- 
mitter, or even seriously applied at 
all, it is used mostly* to astound 

the layman by pointing out some 

utterly unforeseen but entirely se- 
condary consequences of the inven- 
tion ot the radio, for example; it 
is hardly utilised at all as a key to 

unravel the complexities of the so- 
cial structure 01 capitalism; it is 

least of all employee as an instru- 
ment to scan the future and mold 
its developments. 

The "loading ideas" of the report 
are all. without exception, of a tri- 
vial and Platitudinous, often mean- 
ingless, character. \\ hat does the 
following "central assumption" of 
the committee really mean, brush- 
ing aside all academic verbiage; 
**We may hold steadily to the im- 
portance of viewing social situation 
as a whole in terms of the interre- 
lations and interdependence of our 
national life . . . of viewing prob- 
lems as those of a single society 
based upon me. assumpuv»r. of a 
ommon welfare as the goal of com- 
mon efforts"? Empty rhetoric! 

ihe fact is that our ''eminent 
dentists" are doomed to a sterile 
empiricism and a hopeless super- 
ficiality by the operation of a pow- 
erful defense mechanism arising 
out of their class position and class 

affiliation. They cannot analyst 
realistically, Hunk miittuuy and 

see clearly because that wouui mean 
to call Into immediate question the 

very foundations ot our capitalistic 

civilisation which they are com 

muted tO defend. To* the degree 

that capitalism grows historically 
superannuated and decreptt, roac* 

ttonary and Opposed tQ the Ih s sI in- 
terests of mankind, to that degree 
do its apologists, conscious and un 
conscious, grow intellectually blind 
and socially fatuous, 
* • # 

Under The Shadow Of The Crisis 

Alt ho they were commissioned 

by President Hoover in the last 

"golden days" of "prosperity" 

(September li>2l>). the distinguish- 
ed sociologists, who framed the re- 
port, began their researches and 

oneluded them under the lowering 
shadow of the economic crisis and 
the document betrays this on every 

page. The general outlook of the 

report and the committee is cer- 
tainly conservative: no question is 
permitted to arise as to the fun- 
damental validity of the capitalist 

sysem, Yet, m spite of Itself, the 

report bears testimony to the in- 
herently contradictory character 
of the capitalist economy, which 
the Marxists have always empha- 
sised and the bourgeois economists 
have always derided. 

"... Astonishing contrasts to ot 
^imitation and disorganisation .ur n> 
Ivc foumi side by side in American itic . 
spleiuhit ptolictency in tome 
incredible skyscrapci ami monstrous 

b « lw krdnaas 

\i-tivl slum. 
VftriaUS hiiu m 

i Hunt tquatij back 
ii >v khnost as ii ,h r 
t ot ihc bodj oi n,,- 

i>«na c-i *w sutotnobMs vy,- lr o{wr«Uat 

m utttyuctaoAistd rjwtds " 

The fundamental disharmony in 

our present social set-up. the ve 
port contends, is the discrepancy 

between the incredibly rapid rate 

ot mechanical invention" it) u > de 

velopment of the forces of produc- 
tion) and the "institutional tnex 

tin" character! Mug our system, the 
slowness of "social invention" itbe 

rigidity of the social economic 
structure, of the property relations 
and the social institutions built 
upon them). Translating the aca- 
demic verbiage of the report into 
more intelligible language, what ts 
this but a confused echo, VUlgaril 
ed, it is true, of one phase of 
Maw's classical formulation of 
doctrine of the materialist COncOD 

won of history (Preface to tne 
"Contribution to the Critique Of 
Political Economy")? it has taken 

many decades ami a world crisis 
to bring even a glimmering of so 
ial sense into the minds of our 
learned American sociologists! 
The chapters on "Inventions ami 

Economic Organisations" are oas- 

ly the most important in the docu 

inent indeed, only in dealing with 

economic "questions does the analy- 
sis come within measurable dis- 
tance o( significant reality. The 
View common "in the halcyon davs 

of 1925-1929 . . . that business cy- 
cles had been 'ironed mil' in the 
favored hind," a view which 
these "eminent scientists" once en 
thusiastically shared, is now found 
to be rather more than question 

In The Post-Conference Discussion 

No, not in the factual findings 
lies the significance of the Commit- 
tee report but rather in the de- 
vastating light it casts, implicitly, 
indirectly, unwillingly, so to speak, 
upon the rapid disintegration of 
capitalistic civilization and upon 
the flagrant bankruptcy of bour- 

fjeoia aocial science and the hope- 
ess impotence of bourgeois social 

* » * 

Bankruptcy Of Empiricism 

The essential incoherence of the 
report, its unmistakable superfi- 
ciality, are the inevitable results 
phicism, of its to- 
tal lack of fundamental outlook 
and metbod. It does indeed formu- 
late in the Introduction, a con- 
ception of social change and social 
interpretation, that unquestionably 
passes for historical materialism 
m academic circles: 

"Scientific 4ivc<w*rie» uiid kiren 
ttfjTts irnt>?*t* changes fir* ir. i^e 
economic vrttam/ait'/n and MCfafl n*l> 
rti which are mtrtt c!o»*Sy awx-iat^l 
will; them. The next gre»l Ml iA 
*uf» in off I i 
/ortber rewivrcJ, namely if) imti- 
the hunily, the *o»f m 


(Continued from the last tSSUfl) 
The position of our group in op- 
position to the general line of the 
Stalin regime was maintained up 
till the time the resolution of tin 
German Communist Opposition 
was published in the "Revolution- 
ary Age" of January 10, 1931. This 
resolution gave full support to the 
Stalin regime and its general lino. 
It is only necessary to give a his- 
torical review of many of the ar- 
ticles and statements published in 
the "Age" to prove this. 

The following is a quotation 
from the "Revolutionary Age" of 
November 1, 1929: 

The inevitable disintegration of the 
Stalin leadership in il»c C. P. S. U. as 
the rciuh of the false timet line has 
retched a new itaRC of ihc develop- 
ment. Shaukin, Stcn, anil others, who 
have hitherto formed ihe (.munis 
"young guurd" of the Stalinist lead- 
ership have been "cut off" In .i ic- 
cent is!»ue of the "Riavda" Comrade 
Schauldfl itated: "We have defeated 

Bukharlfl n«t with arguments but Willi 

Party cards!" whjc Comrade Sten 
went io far as to declare: "The I'.uiy 
has grown very unevenly. We have 
had a tremeadoui development of it* 
grabbing organs but w c have also had 

a shrivelling up of it. ihitlkklg <" 

r-yi expiessirig such obviom tiutlis 
which even they could htde DO long** 

(kin, Sicn .ind the ic-.t wcte un- 
mediately removed frmti then poit* 
(ScruUkirt was a member uf (lie cili 
tonal committee of five of llic "1'iav 
da") and made the victim oi I cam 
j..i>tfit ,iK.iiii-.; "imeJIct lual I i-.i.J. yini " 
Schat/kiri and Sten ate both | *pabl<. 

idea] the- latter wa» considered 
on* oi il>e most promiaing youngai 

Marxi-m Itudentl m the C. I'. S, 0. 

by Ben Gitlow 

tat ion concerns only the inner-par- 
ty line, the wrong regime and has 
nothing to do with the questions 
of economic policy. Only a school- 
boy can make such an assertion. 
The Schatzkin and Sten opposition 
were strong adherents of the Stal- 
in regime and lineup till the Unic 
they realized the line was wrong. 
How, then, can one explain the 
Statement: "We have defeated 
Bukharin not with arguments but 
with party cards." It is obvious 
that tiiis quotation from the "Age" 
which concludes: "The catastrophic 
course followed by the present lead- 
ership of the C.P.S.U. (for which 
Comrade Stalin is directly and per- 
sonally responsible) is a living 
proof of the profound truth of the 
words of the Stalin of 1925" does 
not merely refer to the regimo as 
divorced and separated from tin* 
general line of the Stalin leader- 
ship. It is indeed a very faint in- 
distinguishable line which separ- 
ates the Stalin regime from its 
general line of policy for the Sov- 
iet Union, Only at this late date 
is the leadership of our group try- 
ing Lo justify its position in sup- 
port of Stalin's general line i>.v ar- 
bitrarily drawing a definite line 
of demarcation between tin- regime 

J its line as two different and 

unrelated entities. That this was 
not always the case as far as our 
group ami its leadership was con- 
cerned will readily realize from tin- 

further quotations which i will 

give from the "Revolutionary Age." 

The following quotation is from 
the "Revolutionary Ago" i>f Nov- 
ember 16, li>2!>: 

[tellable rcporu from the U. s. s, R, 
Indicate that hi ihc C. P, s. U. luoll 
the itruggle againti the revisionist 
line and (he dangeroui imtor»i>ariy 
course oi il<<* Stalin leadership It dfl 
veloping on ■ ganised scalo. 

abo; indeed the commut* ttI „ .,., 
pates "recurrent episodes oi 
fpreed unemplo>-inent, ttnancfi 

whence these crises come, what 
Uiej mean j whether end \m tiA 
m« U avoided, these queetionaT^ 

;il ''\l ^ the "most wnlneni 
sociologists", remain for "furthw 
•tud> M«j expertmerit u The moat 

Striking ami. from many ns,„ v u 

«h. Mojost randamental phenomSS 

"t the capitalist eeeiuMnv, a nbeno 
11U ' ,u,n tll;lt h»S been BtUdiJd |£ 

goneraUons, »ud bom^e.,. rllvl;U 
science stands mute before It, con 
loss * f^' »mjK>tottc©, admitting iu rv 
The keynote of the whole sco 
RSw^r!! " '" ^ lowing chsS 
of t ,. T ,,n i ,,vs " Vl ' structure 

(roiauyely) shrinking "market ot 
paclty (buying power). Techno 
logical unemployment, general see 
nornic decline, and the '^Inarticulate 

mseryol nnnlre.ts of thousands or 

'Hums of bmdwinners" all - lm . 
press the committee, but again , ( 

venture further. . , . 

The sections on "Social tWnni 

i&tlons and Social Habits" (; t »H 
trom the chapter on H LaW ,> ) 
and on "AmelioraUve [nstitutiona 
and Qoverrnnent" ore so utterly 
commonplace, so full of trite tru 

isms and oft refuted (ntsconcep 
tions that they deserve neither at- 
tention nor commentary. Not ,.,!,- 

really riSW fact, not one really si,;- 
»tt/i('(t*if idea, not one really }x>t< -if 
conclusion ! 

(Cowitlrfed I,, fUx t i-isur) 

of th. 

we would be i 

the platform 
Ne one will 

say thai we over 

Trotsky ist plntforiu. 

il as favoring 

naive as to 

ndorsod the 

In spite of 







lally" t... 





e bavis 


lriiflr» ibi] 


i'. gro 






thi - 

1 : 


m i 


ha XIV 



. .,/ 

(Deconbai 192 !) < cmradi 

Sialm 'JecUr''! ; "The methnfl ni lop- 
p.nie r,ff, tin method oi blood letting 

• ."rrc/ui. imd infr- nou '1 '.'t.iy 

ytu lap oil •'<"■ tiujh, tomorrow aooth 

n, M,r day aflrr tf/m'/rr'.w | ihii'l 

*rii-j srluM i- Wi -J tht I 

Xbe ■ ■ irse followad by 

the preaaot le«d< t bfp >>i Ihi ( P 
U (tot which Cotnrada Stalin Ii 'J' 
■ t.'t paraooalry raapooalble) i* a 
Jivhik \iu,u\ t,s »!■)*- profound • 

the word* Oi 0)1 Stalm ••! \921f\" 

It will be argued that thin quo- 

| U S T O U T — 

"I Accuser 9 


M. N. ROY 

From the Suppressed Statement 

of N. N. Roy on Trial for 

Treason Before Scbh/oub 

Court, Cawnporc, India. 

With itn Introduction by 


— 10c a copy — 

reduction* for bundle otdcra 

Order thru the 


7./y, Second Avenue 

New York City 

pulsion ol and his support 
cis .it nthci the iirxi Plenum <>i tlir 
iwxi Congress »i tl<c t". P. S, I . w 
be held towards the end ol the ycaj 
(Articles In "Isvcsiya", ale,) 't'ln> 
offensive against Dukhartn Is close'i) 
icctetJ with the political coalition 

«Uh Ihr Tint .kvm- ■■ nti wlnt-c I' 

form the struggle against the so«called 
"hkIh wing" Is being conducted." 
This is a very clear statement, of 

opposition i») tin* genera) lino of 

Stalin regime. It CMOS not fear to 
slate emphatically the position of 
our grnup against the revision 
iSt line and the dangerOUS inner 
party course of the Stalinist lead 
orshlp. It states also the fact that 

the Stalin regimo has adopted the 

platform Of thO Trotskyites in their 
.struggle against the 10 -called 
"right wing", It is obvious to any- 
one who knows anything about the 
Trotsky platform that it has ft 

groat deal to do with the quostion 

uf the construction of socialism in 
the Soviet Union, of industrializa- 
tion ami also the policy to 1"' PUT 
sued towards the peasantry. The 
Trotsky tine, in my opinion, repre 

tented •> wrong lfne ( it. was re 

joctod by the fifteenth party con 
gross of the Communisl Party of 

the Soviet Union. It was precise 
ly the folio general li"'* of the 
Trotskylst platform which our 
group opposed and which tho Stal« 
in leadership Incorporated u>< tho 

line at ill.- ( loiiimuiiiHt Party of the 
Soviet Union in place of U '" 

root Una of the fifteenth party 


if we should itate that wo fav 
r „«Mi the Stalinist gonorol line SI 
fur back as November Hi, ivw, 

then according tO thO above m. m- 

tioned quotation from tbi "Agu 

this fact we have main 
vho when confronted with 

tatement thai the Stalinist gen 

ral bne is based on a Trotskyisl 

platform have the unblushing 

Urage to say: "It is not the line 
it is the regime wo meant when 

a published that statement in 
the , Age', M 

Let us proceed furthor with our 
investigation of the columns of the 
'Revolutionary Age." 

In the December 1. H»2!> issue of 
the "Revolutionary Age", Will 
Horborg, who has now developed a 

theory that (lie SI alia regime Is 
BOmothing entirely apart from its 

gonoral lino, which Is absolutely 
correcti wrote in his article on iia- 
"'Decay of Trotskyism", ns fol 

■■ ihr new turn bore nedl its ffult 

The readmission ol Radek, Smllga, ind 
Preobreshenskj was onh » begkinlogi 
Kpelted rrolikyitsi t>. 


ICk to lU.- I'.iiiv 

they ^io\ theii main Ideas In iii<- pre 
cess "i rapid adoption^ 1 
Comrade Horborg now claims 
that the general lino Is correct and 

was correct. Mow, then, will t'oin 

rade Horborg explain m< he states 
a his article that tho adoption of 
the main Ideas of the Troukyltea 
the Stalinist general lino const! 
tutc the ha-, is oi a correct gonoral 

lilio? Surely. Coutiade Horborg, US 

consistent courageous warrior 

against Trotskyism, you will not 
10W declare that the main tdOOl 

d" Trotskyism whu-h were Incor 
pointed in the general line by the 
Stalin regimo only mi attributes of 
the roglme aro Incorrect but »■■ ad 
ititions to ihe gonoral lino they be 
como Leninist, Bolshevist, Maw 
Ion attributes, as correct as oor 
reel can be. what heresy for a 
champion against Trotskyism to 

fall Into from folding Trotnky 

ism to endorsing it! 

I Jijroi'i aUOtO from the DoOOffl 
Iter 1, L920 ISSUO Of the "Itevo 

lutionory Ago." Ths following 
itatemeni appoari i 

in uuvr.iJ 

Ihr ".ImikhIp Bgalo 

Hiii ..i i un 

rroiskylsm on H>- 
i. all i ihlp 


i .i i 

.M.I I 

imoval ol Com ">* 

hi I'olbura and ibi " 

, , t. i k) "•■' Rykofi 

praludi "■ M pulsion 

ri) ii iha) il I I P 

. i... Oi. i in»" I J 

nad ,., ihr reetni "IVav 

(Contbiusd on i'"v f) 



Why a United Jobless Movement? 

In the "Communist" of December 

U32 there is 

a discussion — doubly 

"<mificant because it is so rare— 
°\vement of the unemployed 

f£t c-tv. Afl a result of the suc- 
SL S uniting all of the existing 
Sue* of the unemployed and other 
SSters organizations, tremendous 
* ier was massed in a demonstra- 
S of more than 25,000 workers 
«na the cut was rescinded. This 
we must hail as a victory for the 
ILfean and a victory for the poh- 
-v- ot" the unity of labor m its strug- 
gles against the capitalists. By 
K e same token, the notorious 
-United front from below" receiv- 
ed a ten ole shock- For here was a 
o-ttea front of leaders: Commu- 
nist Leaders, representing mass or- 
ganizations, met with the Social- 
ist and Proletarian party leader*, 
.-.ting their organizations. 
Ine phrases of Williamson about 
"uniting only with the rank and 
file" are liKe the mumbo-jumbo 
of a witch-doctor who tells his su- 
perstitious devotees that nothing 
£as really happened to the clay idol 
which lies smafched to bits at his 
feet Indeed, certain party mem- 
bers protested against the profana- 
tion of the "united front from be- 
low". How can we — they asked — 
together with the "social- 
-_,_ : .leaders? 'ihese comrades, 
filled with the ultra-left nonsense 
for years by the party leadership 
point where they really be- 
lieve it, are now being prepared 
for slaughter as scapegoats by this 
very same leadership. So much, 
l: \.:-i :■■.:.'.. for :r.e ".-:ft deviation" 
the party has begun to hunt out. 
* * * 
A New "Right Deviation" 

The discussion in the "Commu- 
nist" arises chiefly over a "right 
deviation" supposed to have been 
committed by certain comrades, es- 
pecially Comrade Verblin. In his 
article Comrade Verblin, with ar- 
guments that show that he has as- 
. ] -..;.- followed the "Wuricers 
Age", very correctly attacks the 
■■Ay stupid and disruptive 
conduct at the conference of John 
Williamson, the party organiza- 
ecretary of the Chicago dis- 
trict and the representative of the 
party-controlled Unemployed Coun- 
cils to the conference. In order to 
shot the "united front must 
be a tactic of struggle and not of 
peace with the reformists", Wil- 
conld find nothing better 
" '- at the conference than to 
launch into a bitter name-calling 
- '<- ; against Karl Borders, the 
Socialist leader of the Socialist- 
controlled Workers Committee on 

On the Discussion in the "Communist?* 

by B. Herman 

oyment the biggest unem- 
ployed organization present, claim- 
embers to the 
■ e Unemployed 
He made this abusive 
cm the ground that the So- 
ar* the "betrayers of the 

■ .:. Germany, Milwaukee, 
ad declared that "the Corn- 
not unite with 

' but only v/ith the rank 

erblin points out that 

'■■■■'. .'X gave rv-st to 

- fixation, booing and 
'-" -. aB non-Conmnmist ele- 

'■■"■■'■■■ ■■■■■: r<m&A uneaai- 
1 n to the 
eri and iympathizers. 
: 1 - e &c via av/ay 

■ ':■,:'. reform! 

:r again 

■ ■ - ee and after 'for 

• ed the ^,rs<:r 
■y irora the reformists but from 
utejtonmudeu, ft :, fa expesi , 

ipplemented by 


-. ,,n-. 

'", . : ' 




Unemployed Council And Party 
1 fie article ol Comrade Vcrbhn 
correctly exposes the sectarian 
blundering and suicidal methods 01 
tne party leadership, in spite 01 its 
nypocriticai smoke-screen _ about 
"lighting sectarianism." It is a 
weicome relief in the welter o1 
non-.Lenini5t and anti-Leninist non- 
sense that tills the columns of the 
party press, it will certainly have 
us enect in recalling to the minds 
01 many party members the ele- 
mentary lcieas of Leninist tactics 
now forgotten and proscribed in 
tne party. 

Nevertheless, it must be pointed 
out that Comrade Verblin mmseli 
does not go far enough in his re- 
pudiation of sectarianism, he, too, 
tends to regard tne Chicago unit- 
ed iront as 11 the participants were 
not primarily the mass organiza- 
tions of the unemployed but ra- 
tner the Communist and Socialist 
parties, lie, too, tends to take it 
xor granted that it is proper and 
xor tne best interests 01 the. work- 
ers that there should exist separ- 
ate unemployed organizations, eacn 
aifiliateu, directly or indirectly, 
to political parties; in other 
words, that 'there should exist a 
Communist unemployed organiza- 
tion, a Socialist unemployed or- 
ganization, a .Proletarian party un- 
employed organization, etc., which, 
jn occasion, may join in a united 
iront on some common issue. Of 
course, what is merely an implicit 
tendency in Verblin is crassly out- 
spoken in Williamson. To the Un- 
mployed Councils Williamson as- 

cribes a role that belongs to the 
UOttunuiusc Party: 

•■ v> e muse emphasize that the 
united tront is not a unitication 
ux all organizations. ihruout 
tne entire united tront action, 
tne unemployed Councils must 
maintain tneir own identity, 
own activity, and must bund 
tnemseives thru their leader- 
snip in the mass struggles 
against the boss class and in 
spite of the reformist leader- 
snip ol other organizations." 
But this is the very crux of the 
matter: A Communist Party in 
a united iront must not lose its 
identity and must under no cir- 
cumstances merge with the other 
organizations with which its is car- 
rying on a joint struggle because, 
in spite of the common agreement 
on one fighting issue, xx. differs 
from the other organizations in 
fundamental principles, in its en~ 
tire program. But what on earth 
is to prevent one unemployed or- 
ganization from merging with an- 
other — except the crassest sectar- 
ianism? It is, or should be, the 
very purpose of a jobless organiza- 
tion to gather in itself the unem- 
ployed ox all or no political view- 
points on the basis of a broad ele- 
mentary program on unemploy- 
ment, in iact it is the very estab- 
lishment of jobless councils on 
party lines that has split the ranks 
of the unemployed, has weakened 

less effective and has helped to 
keep tne masses of the unemployed, 
who are not Communists and not 
even Socialists from being drawn 
into a powerful movement of the 

For A Non-Partisan Movement 

The organizations of the unem- 
ployed must be non-party, non- 
partisan, admitting all jobless 
without question as to their politic- 
al views and without being subordi- 
nated directly or indirectly, to any 
political organization. To organize 
on a political basis means to drive 
away large masses of the unem- 
ployed who, to this very day, will 
nave nothing to do with radical po- 
litical groups. 

And yet in this country, what- 
ever there is of an unemployed 
movement is split up along politic- 
al party lines. The Communist 
Party has its organization and the 
Socialist s, the Proletarian party 
and the C.P.L.A. have theirs. The 
official Communist Party is not 
alone in its sectarianism; all of 
tne above mentioned groups are 
deeply tinctured with it. 

'ihe Communist Party, the P.P. 
the C. P. L. A., and the S. P. 
cannot give up their political or or- 
ganizational identity in a united 
iront because their programs dif- 
fer fundamentally even tho they 
may all agree on unemployment in- 
surance and immediate relief for 
the unemployed. But their unem- 
ployment organizations have no 

platform of each party must be in- 
jected into "its" unemployed or- 
ganization ! 

With the unemployed mobilized 
in one powerful nation-wide non- 
partisan jobless association, the 
formation of a real united front of 
the unemployment organizations 
with the trade unions and other 
bodies of employed workers, be- 
comes really possible. 

But this very idea of a united 
non-partisan unemployed associa- 
tion is as far as possible from the 
present sectarian course of the 
party. The party leaders curse it 
as the most abominable opportun- 
ism. In the meantime, the party 
leaders fight common sense as th* 
"right menace" of "Verblin ism' 
and disport themselves with "cour- 
ageous" potshots at the fleas of 
sectarianism while the tigers roam 

nd demoralized their movement, ' such bar to merging for surely no 
has rendered their struggle far one will maintain that the political 

What's Hap pening In Germany Today? 


XZ ''" ' brought to 

■ m and 


Berlin, Germany, 
The most recent turn of the So- 
cial-democratic party of Germany 
and of the A.D.G.B. (German A. 
F. of L, — Editor.), the formation 
of a "loyal opposition" to the 
Schleicher Cabinet to collaborate 
v/ith it, the integration of this "op- 
position" into the "third front", 
the chauvinistic and semi-Fascist 
speech of Leipart at the Bernau 
trade union school, deserve the 
closest attention of the working 
class and of the Communist move- 
ment in particular. 

The new turn is the consequence 
of the carefully planned work of 
an organized tendency in the lead- 
ing circles of the S. P. G., the 
trade union:-: and the Keich:-;hanner. 
The adherents of this tendency 
prefer to call themselves "Activ- 
They are primarily young 
trade union leaders, bourgeois in- 
tellectuals, "November-Socialists", 
who came to the S. P. G. for a 
career and quickly succeeded in 
reaching high administrative 
posts. These people were recent- 
ly thrown out of their good posi- 
tions in the government and else- 
where and are now "radical" in- 
deed They are extremely indig- 
nant that the bourgeoisie should 
(charged thern from its ser- 
vice. They declare themselves 
ready to apply all means in order 
come again into the "enjoy- 
'.'.'. of state power," They speak 
of proletarian "defence", of 
'/force" that must h< : 'V„urit,H- 
to the force ot the othei 
ids", of ''extra-parliamentary ac- 
tion" that most "supplement par- 
liamentary action;" they ar<- In- 
'"-/ of the bourgeois state 
bomb in hand, or rather 
nab In mouth! Their "radi- 
al a nationalistic. Pas- 
tor. It is necessary for the 
al 1c ma ises to .< < th< 
real character of these "Activists" 
ly nationalistic and I .. - 
Hon v/jth Socialist and democratic 

' : ' :■•'■" r And Then Papei 

' l! ' f '''-•• • - teft own 

;■■■■■ • the monthly "Neus Blaetter 

10*1 den goziali .mu;." <". • ., 

by A. P. 

for Socialism"). The point of 
departure of their outlook is a de- 
termined nationalism and imper- 
ialism that rejects pacifist phrases 
of all sorts. "There is no way out 
of the tragic circle of emergency 
decree politics except a firm for- 
eign policy" (January, 195J2). In 
the April issue a hyrnn of praise 
is sung to the famous Karl 
Schmidt, the Berlin professor of 
law, who was counsel for Papen 
and Bracht in the case of the con- 
stitutionality of the Prussian coup 
d'etat. Their enthusiasm for 
Schmidt is based on the latter's 
sharp attacks on democracy and 
the parliamentary system — attacks, 
of course, from the extreme right! 
The disintegration of the parlia- 
mentary system backwards, in fav- 
or of open bourgeois dictatorship, 

thus greeted: "In this situation 
democracy and parliamentarism 
are considered the same and re- 
garded as a political unity. This 

w cannot he shared; it is in- 
deed dangerous for Socialist poli- 
tics" ("N.Ii,", April), And what 
"Socialism" is, according to these 
"Activists", is indicated in the fol- 
lowing words; "Petty ownership 
and large-scale capitalist proper- 
ty are not only different in size 
but also in esHence. For this rea- 

Have You Read ? 

LovcBtone 10c 

TY, by Ben Gillow .. . 5c 

CIVIL WAR, by Will 
Herberg 5c 


V. p, Calverton 25c 


Reductions for bundle orders 

228 Second Avenue 

son the struggle against small 
property must be given up in 
principle and not merely placed 
in the background" ("N.B," 
June). ~_ 

It is the merest commonplace 
that -mail and large-scale proper- 
ty are not exactly the same from 
the viewpoint of tactics but to en- 
dorse small property in principle 
means to reject the very founda- 
tions of Socialism. For small 
property is the fruitful matrix 
out of which capitalism is contin- 
ually reborn. To endorse small 
property in principle means to en- 
dorse capitalism in principle. 

Fascism And Socialism 

By July the "Activists" had al- 
ready reached the point of demand- 
ing that the Nazis be taken into 
the government: "There is no other 
way: If the N.S.D.A.P. (the Nazi 
party. — Editor) cannot be stifled 
in opposition, it must be destroyed 
in the government. This party must 
get into the government under 
conditions that will avoid 
much as possible the misuse of the 
state power ..." This is exactly 
the policy of Papen-Schleicher 
and of the heavy industrialist 
chiefs. The "good intentions" of 
"destroying" the Nazis with "con- 
ditions" naturally cannot change 
any objective consequences. The 
natural result of such a position 
IB to make an alliance with the 
Nazis in the government and out. 

The coup d'etat of July 20 was 
evaluated as the "first great de- 
feat" of democracy but of re- 
sistance the "Activists" had no 
idea; they contented themselves 
with impotent and empty protest.-. 
In the August number of "Neue 
Blaetter", a writer by the? name 
of "Florian Geyer" says in the 
leading article "Democracy or Dic- 
tatorship": "This defeat was, if 
we withheld resistance, unavoid- 
able from the viewpoint of the re- 
lations of political power, but it 
did not necessarily have to bring 
about Kuch a moral defeat of de- 
mocracy. It v/ould have been other- 
wise had the protest of the musses 
Lr:*-n given an expression commen- 
surate with the monHtroaity of the 

affair. This, however did not take 
place at all." 

* * * 

The Logic Of Activism 

The full and complete meaning 
of "Activism" becomes clear in 
September. Consider the follow- 
ing sections of a leading article 
by "Florian Geyer" called "The 
Social-democracy at the Parting 
of the Ways." Great pride is ex- 
pressed in the "'fourteen years of 
the most responsible state-political 
course of the S. P. G." and in the 
"national political attitude of the 
German workers in the great war." 
To the course of 1913, we are told 
no return is possible; it is the 
course of the Communists today." 
That position was "negative radi- 
calism." "For the S.P.G. there 
are many dangers but there is one 
which is absolutely fatal, namely, 
an attempt to compete with the C. 
P. G." The S. P. G. must "make 
a turn towards positive radical- 
ism." It must "give up the old 
anti-state conceptions of vulgar 
Marxism"; it must "forge the in- 
terests of the state with the inter- 
ests of the working class. The S- 
P. G. must not allow itself to be 
"hindered by the vague cosmopoli- 
tan ideas of vulgar Marxism"; it 
must not fail "to make itself the 
organ of that passionate national 
movement, which must be consider- 
ed self-evident in a people that 
has been mishandled as has been 
the German people." 

In the most open fashion is de- 
nied the class antagonism between 
working class and bourgeoisie: "It 
is true that the S. P. G. declined 
to set up a Bolshevik dictatorship 
and based itself on the fundament- 
al idea of drawing the bourgeois 
classes into the state." 

In the most astounding manner, 
the very basis of modern Socialism 
in all its forms is flatly denied. 
The vulgar Marxist idea of a 
basic contradiction between prole- 
tariat and bourgeoisie must be re- 

The dictatorship of the Junker 
generals is explained away as "So- 
cialistic": "That the real soldier 
under present conditions can be 
nothing but a Socialist is self-evi- 
dent. For capitalism destroys the 
defensive power of the nation." 
This is a deliberate justification 
of any collaboration with the "So- 
cialist" General Schleicher! 

And a month later (October) the 
full implications of these ideas 
are drawn: "The idea of the third 
front as the front of all socialistic- 
ally-minded people, of all popular- 
ly rooted parties and leagues from 
left to right, is from a broad view- 
point a great hope and a still 
greater task." 
Here every "i" is dotted; every 
t" is crossed! 

The "Activist" movement repre- 
sents a tremendous menace to Ger- 
man labor, a menace that is like- 
ly to feed upon the passive and de- 
featist policies of the leaders of 
the S. P. G. The Social-democratic 
workers should take warning. 

WANTED: Copies of Revo- 
lutionary Age, Vol. II, No. 14, 
March 7, 1931, to complete 
sets for binding. Comrades 
having any copies of this num- 
ber bring or send them to us. 


Three Notable Meetings in N. Y. 

New York, phasized that Germany at the pres- 

Anuroximatelv three hundred ent time was at the crossroads— 

worKer/jummeU the headquarters in the near future the power was 

nf tn r c "omniums, Opposition on bound to fall either to the Fascists 

SiuJLrv « c uKw to a lecture by of to the Communists He stressed 

i^iies Jt' Cannon on "unat toe that the Communist Party would 

i oil uupUinun (Trotsky) Stands be in no position to assume power 

. ., " tl \~ * . nl!lv and y. if it unheld its present sectarian 

*or" -i numoer oi party and 1 
C il memners were amongst those 
present. Cumrade cannon's presen- 
tation was ft disappointment to the 
vast majority piosent. In a talk 
which lasted over one hour he 
failed to devote any time whatso- 
ever to American problems or to 
outline concretely any program ol 
action for the American working 
class. Many workers in the audi- 
ence called him to account for this. 
He failed even to make clear to 
the nou- Communist workers pre- 
sent what the theories of the Trot- 
skyites (permanent revolution, 
"socialism in one country," etc.) 
were, merelv mentioning the usual 
Troiskvist ritual, but explaining 
and clarifying none of these ques- 
tions. His time was devoted in the 
main to the "Russian question," In 
the discussion, the question of the 
position of the Trotskyites towards 
the Soviet Union, their theory of 
Thermidor, was emphasized by 
speaker after speaker. Quotations 
from innumerable pamphlets by 
Trotsky were brought forward to 
substantiate this charge. The Com- 
munist Opposition is planning 
the arrangement of a debate to 
further make clear the Trotskyist 
inconsistencies and the incorrect- 
ness of their viewpoint. 

* * * 

On January 15 Comrade Jay 
Lovestone spoke before a very 
large audience on "What the Com- 
munist Opposition Stands For. 
The discussion brought out further 
the disintegration and the incor- 
rectness of the official party line, 
particularly in the unemployment 
work. Manv party members were 
present. Forty-seven copies of the 
pamphlet "What Is the Communist 
Opposition?" were sold, besides the 
"Workers Age" and other litera- 
ture. The audience showed the 
widespread interest in the pro- 
gram of the Communist Opposi- 

* * * 

As part of a series of meetings 
in the membership drive now being 
conducted by the Communist Op- 
position, Comrade Lovestone spoke 
to over 300 workers on Thursday, 
January 12 at Labor Temple on 
"Whither the American Labor 

if it upheld its present sectarian 
policies. If. on the other hand, the 
party entered into a united front 
with the Social-democrats, the 
chances for Germany turning Red 
were even greater than for it turn- 
ing black. 

After the lecture,' the meeting 
A*as thrown open for questions and 
discussion. Since the Socialists, (in- 
cluding the Ypsels), the Trotsky- 
ites, and the Communist Party 
were all represented in force, the 
discussion was very thoro. As was 
expected the party's representative 
attacked Comrade Lovestone and 
the Communist Opposition in gen- 
eral; but in the eyes of the audi- 
ence the attack was groundless. Es- 
pecially was this recognized when 
Comrade Lovestone answered. And 
if the party comrades refused to 
listen to reason, they should at 
least have learned from Comrade 
Lovestone a lesson in tolerance 
and patience. 

Dave Breslow, 

est was expressed in the prospects 
for the building of a Labor party 
in this country. 


"Capitalist decay in the United 
States will be marked by increased 
class struggles, economically and 
politically, and by an enormous 
growth of militancy on the part of 
the American working class," Bel- 
la Engels said in a lecture on the 
American labor movement before 
the Syracuse group of the Nature 
Friends on January 10. 

"Objective conditions, are such 
as to guarantee a tremendous 
growth of American Communism. 
However, as great as the prospects 
for a mass Communist Party might 
be", Comrade Engels asserted, 
"there are big obstacles in two 
distinct features of the present 
tactical line of the C. P., namely 
dual unionism and sectarianism." 

Giving a survey of American la- 
bor history, Comrade Engels stres- 
sed the revolutionary traditions of 
American labor manifested in the 
Haymarket event, Pullman strike 
and similar labor struggles. 

In an analysis of the present 
situation, Comrade Engels put for- 
ward the great tasks and problems 

"Whither the American Labor facing ^ e American working class. 

Movement." A great deal of inter- Q on[ jemning sectarianism, union- 
splitting and factional disputes 


Fort Wayne, Ind. 
The Communist Opposition in 
Fort Wayne, Indiana, is going 
ahead and" getting results. Recent- 
ly the membership has been in- 
creasing. The latest recruits are 
Comrades Ferrell, Wyburn and 
Henderson. They are all experienc- 
ed workers in the political and 
trade union movement. We have a 
number of prospects whom we hope 
to sign up within the next few 
weeks. Among them are several 
colored comrades. A study class in 
the Fundamentals of Communism 
13 being organized. At the last unit 
meeting Comrade Miller of Detroit 
gave a talk or organization. The 
.,vement for a Labor party 
The "Workers 
Age" agent .-. reporting good pro- 
for more subscriptions. 


Montreal, Canada. 
real, for the first time, 

heard Comrade Lovestone at the 

:. Svlva Hall on December 
P. M. Altho the dif- 
ficulty, for arranging the lecture 
were innumerable and altho it 
rained, and, in r.piV; of the fa^t 
that the official Communis Party 
passed a decision to boycott the 
lecture and the Y, C. L. was pick- 
eting the hall, yet vmm 360 people, 
workers and intellectuals, 
weTe present at the lecture. 

The Kubject of the lecture was: 
"Whither Germany, the Rise of the 
Nazis". Comrade Lovestone em- 

she urged labor unity as an name 
diate need to fight our common 
enemy, the capitalist class. 

Much of her time, she devoted 
to the questions of trade unionism 
and it was on the trade union ques- 
tion that she was bitterly attack- 
ed in the discussion that followed. 
The discussion itself was very live- 
ly but unfortunately it was not de- 
voted to a consideration of the 
great pressing problems that con- 
front labor, but rather to the dif- I 
ferences between the C. P. and C. 


All Workers Tickets Make 
Remarkable Advance 

Toronto, Canada. 

The January municipal elec- 
tions in this district revealed gains 
for all those running on a workers 
ticket. This statement goes, not 
only for the left, but also for the 
right, which must be said because, 
as usual, the alleged "united front" 
(actually sectarian) election com- 
mittee seeks to hog all the credit 
for the advance. 

Comrade Alice Buck, running for 
the Board of Control secured over 
ten thousand votes as a result of 
the city-wide campaign. None 
dreamed that she would ever reach 
such a magnificent total. Such a 
poll reveals a general awakening. 
The "Mail and Empire" expressed 
itself as follows: "A surprise and 
in some quarters, disquieting fea- 
ture of the election was the vote 
accorded Mrs. Buck, which was 
roughly double the support given 
a year ago to her husband, the 
Communist leader now in the peni- 
tentiary." Other "united front" 
candidates made very good show- 
ings. So did the Labor party and 
Socialist candidates. It is plain 
candidates alone who recorded in- 
creases, but that the workers at 
large are breaking thru the shell 
of conservatism and that, were 
genuine united front tactics used, 
the collective political results 
would be much more favorable. 

Nor can the "united front" 
committee parade York Township 
(West York) and ignore East 
York. In the former, Humphries, 
the United Workers candidate, 
was beaten by 11,264 to 3,852. 
The "Worker" credits its candi- 
date with making 20% of the vote. 
Actually it was better than 34%, 
and, knowing the locality, one can 
only describe this as magnificent. 
The "Worker" oversteps the mark 
when it acclaims the results for 
the remainder of its slate of "rev- 
olutionary" candidates. Kirkwood, 
one of these alleged revolutionaries 
made speeches which would have 
carried him thru an evangelical 
campaign. His "come to Jesus" 
style stamps this bird as a second- 
grade Christian Socialist. The 
other candidates made a good job 
of it. In East York the Workers 
Association there elected Doggett 
as deputy-reeve and defeated 
Cheeseman, an ex-Socialist. The 
vote for the members of the old 
council was a little better than 
twenty thousand, the Workers As- 
sociation candidates rolling up 
more than nineteen thousand. The 
East York campaign was distinct- 
ly reformist in tone. 

In the Comintern 

Recent Developments in Sweden 

We publish below a letter of in- 1 first it came out against the con- 
fortnatwn from a leading official If erence; finally under pressure, it 
of the Communist Party of iSwed- seems, it has issued an equivocal 

en, affiliated with the internation- 
al Communist Opposition. — Editor 

Stockholm, Sweden. 
Since the national elections of 
September 18, the Swedish Comin- 
tern section, the official Com- 
munist party, has not engaged in 
any political activity at ail. it has 
maintained a vegetative existence, 
even in regard to the campaigns 
and activities undertaken by our 

* * * 

Roy Campaign. And Amnesty 
Our party, on the other hand, 
has been exceedingly active. During 
the visit of the .British Prince 01 
Vvales here we organized effective 
demonstrations demanding the 
freedom of Comrade Roy, which 
found repercussions in the press of 
the whole world. At about the 
same time, just as the Social-demo- 
cratic government came into power, 
we initiated a strong campaign 
demanding amnesty for all politic- 
al prisoners. Scores of mass meet- 
ings w r ere arranged, our fractions 
in the trade unions were mobiliz- 
ed, and, above all> we made a 
serious effort to arrange united 
front conferences with the local 
Social - democratic organizations 
(and higher committees) for the 
same object. In about fifty places 
we succeeded in establishing joint 
committees and in organizing joint 
meetings. What did the Sillen 
people (the Comintern party — Edi- 
tor) do? Here and there they held 
a meeting or so, it is true, but in 
their blind factional hatred they 
actually came out against the re- 
lease of cnir comrades in prison for 
political offenses (for example, 
Comrade Olle Kell, the responsible 
publisher of our paper) ! The 
indignation this conduct evoked in 
working class circles cannot be 


* * * 

The Unemployment Conference 
Another important field of our 
work has been and is unemploy- 
ment. Today there are already 
over 300,000 out of work in 
Sweden, an enormous amount. 
There is no government unemploy- 
ment insurance of any sort and 
the relief is very meager. There is 
some "emergency work" relief, 
with wages at least 30% lower 
than the prevailing rates, but even 
here very few workers are in- 
volved. Thru our initiative, an Un- 
employment Central Committee has 
been set up, with syndicalist and 
Social - democratic organizations 
and non- party workers, and a na- 
tional conference has been called 
for January 14 and 15, 1933. Only 
trade unions and unemployed 
bodies are to be represented. Over 
100 delegates have already been 

seems, it has issued an equivocal 
call for the support of the move- 

* * * 

Opposition In The Sillen Party 

In all these matters, it should 
be noted, the Comintern people 
were at the tail end of events. And 
when they did take action, it al- 
ways proved a boomerang against 
them. As a result, opposition began 
to arise not only in the ranks of 
the Sillen party but even in its 
topmost leadership, aggravated by 
financial difficulties and organi- 
zational decline. The factional mob- 
ilization reached such a point that 
the "Swedish question" was again 
placed npon the order of business 
of the Comintern. Immediately 
after the elections, a commission 
of Swedish comrades was desp- 
tached to Moscow. When this com- 
mission came back it bore with it 
a letter to the party, which is now 
being discussed in the organiza- 

P. (Opposition). 

Without taking any sides, one 
must admit that Comrade Engels iuu aeiegaies nave a"^^ »--- 
knew her subject remarkably well elected and we expect about ^uu. 
. .1 _v _ i.jji „ „_i„ui_ — ,„i — 1 — ^_ TU fl nnmintdrn nartv was in erreat 

* * * 
The Comintern Letter 

The letter sharply criticizes the 
election campaign and the failure 
of the Comintern party in it. Sillen 
is made the scapegoat and Sven 
Linderot elevated to party secret- 
ary. The silly fishwife abuse of 
the Comintern sect against our 
party is condemned as ineffective 
and the instructions issued that 
the Comintern people should be- 
have "in a comradely manner'* to 
us! It is even forbidden to abuse 
our leadership! Indeed, it is even 
suggested that our organizations 
be invited to joint discussions with 
the Comintern party. 

We immediately took cognizance 
of this manouver and issued direc- 
tives to our members and organ- 
izations. Wherever the Sillenites 
have any influence we are glad to 
undertake joint discussions. And 
everywhere such discussions have 
occurred, they have meant a con- 
siderable victory for us. Since the 
elections, the Sillen sect has taken 
only five people from our party, 
while we have increased our mem- 
bership at least 500, some from 
the Comintern party but most 
from the Social-democracy. In 
general, our organization grows at 
the rate of about 300 members a 
month, while, in the whole period 
since the elections, the Comintern 
party has only succeeded in estab- 
lishing one new organization, ac- 
cording to its own reports. Their 
press has also shrunk considerably. 
Their new tactics came as a re- 
sult of their desperate situation 
and our continual advances. But it 
will avail them nothing: our party 
is and will continue to be the 
Communist Party of Sweden. 

E. A. 

and she left a notable psychologic- 
al effect on the audience of thirty- 
five workers. 

— W. N. 

The Comintern party was in great 
confusion on this question. Its 
papers were full of abuse and 
slander and misrepresentation. At 

The Story of a Jugoslavian Worker 

by A. Sandrin 

Hoboken, N. J. 

Hoboken is one of those towns 
from which, during the World 
War, the United States Army was 
shipped across the ocean to fight 
for democracy. Today, in this 
same old Hoboken, these same 
workers (former soldiers) meet 
police terror and brutality 


wjLn police iciiui miu ui uianij 

when they try to demand bread 
and relief, because they are unem- 
ployed thru no fault of their own. 

Anton Bezich had been out of 
work for two years and was now 
penniless and without any means 
to support his family. He took 
part in the agitation for the Na- 
tional Hunger March to Washing- 
ton. While distributing leaflets 
among the longshoremen, his fel- 
low-workers, the police arrested 
him and the judge sentenced him 
to ninety days in jail. 

and all efforts of neighbors to 
calm her were in vain. An ambu- 
lance was called and she was tak- 
en to the insane asylum where"in 
a few days, she contracted a fever 
and was dying. The hospital ask- 
ed that her husband be called to 
her side at the end. Comrade Be- 
zich, was released on parole, but, 
before she could reach her, his 
wife died. Eight hours before his 
wife's funeral, he died too! The 
funeral, which had been scheduled 
for December 27, was postponed 
to December 29. 

At the funeral, one comrade from 
the I. L. D. tried to make a speech, 
but was immediately stopped by 
the police. 

Comrade Bezich had been a can- 

w ""««* u *y s in J ai ** Comrade Bezich had been a can- 

His wife and two children werejdidate for the State Legislature 
left destitute. Worry over the fate on the Communist Party ticket in 
of her husband drove her frantic |the recent elections and the Com 

munist Party should have been 
able to mobilize more than the 
hundred who were present to his 

The responsibility for the deaths 
of Comrade Bezich and his wife 
is directly with Judge Schlossen. 
If the proper action had been tak- 
en by the party and a mass mobili- 
zation made, it could have brought 
them closer to the class struggle, 
and it could have shown the State 
of New Jersey and the City 01 
Hoboken that the Communist Par- 
ty is international and could have 
-on support for itself. 

In Hoboken, all kinds of illegal 
businesses are carried on and there 
is a bar on every corner, carry- 
ing the American flag. Such peo- 
ple are not molested but a worker 
like Bezich, when he demanded 
bread for his wife and children, 
is jailed and his health broken 
*u.._- :- u:„ Anath And the 

le btate legislature .resulting in his death and 
Worry over the fate J on the Communist Party ticket in | death of his wife. Sandri-n. 

The Death Of Zanaide 

There cannot be the least doubt 
in the world that the tragic suicide 
of Zanaide Wolkov, Leon Trotsky s 
daughter, came as the result ol 
anguish and despair caused by the 
withdrawal of her Soviet citizen- 
ship, thus making it impossible for 
her to return to the Soviet Union 
and be reunited with her husband 
and 10-vear old child, Nor can 
there be the least doubt 111 the 
world that this brutal piece ol 
meanness was perpetrated by the 
Stalin faction in the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union as an 
act of factional vengeance against 
Trotsky. Zanaide Wolkov was not 
involved in politics in any way, 
but just because she happened to 
be Leon Trotsky's daughter she 
had to feel the weight of the Stalin- 
ist repressions. 

Is it necessary to point out that 
such disgusting methods have noth- 
ing in common with a real Com- 
munist struggle against false doc- 
trine and deviations? The latest ex- 
ploit of the Stalin regime can only 
revolt and incense every honest 
Communist and revolutionary work- 



iVitfi the Working Youth 

The Chicago Anti-War Conference 

by Lou Ayres 

ml _ Prudent Congress Against 
Th t, nveiS at Mandel Hall, the 
**t£T3 Chicago, December 
l " n \« Wd 29 for the express pur- 
-'T of presenting a united front 
? 05t .t imperialist wars, based on 
S ^ nmm program. Altho the 
v Sal Committee was represen- 
>st ° of the colleges and the 
*Sms political groups it was 
vaT fmm the beginning that the 
W 1 and the N- S. L. (Young 
*" «V.ut League and National 
■ LeaSe) controlled the 
S ^wnce Members of these 
S£? urged a united front with 
£ p ° Nervation, paradoxical enough 
5! r their program must be the 
SUm-hich should be adopted. 

Altho the N. S.L -and the Y. C 
, ^Se in a majority there was 
Undid opportunity for a vital 
nS front in the character of 

ST minority "delegates.. They re- 
lented liberal opinion, made 
;S for a radical stand by econo 
Tc conditions but soon enough 
S- were to be treated to the 
Sctfcs of the official Communist 

Instead of being satisfied with 
. really minimum program (such 
^abolition of the R. O. T. C. on 
-he campus, recognition of Russia 
by the U. S. government, a stand 
against imperialist wars, and free- 
dom of speech and assembly of 
=tndent* and faculty members), 
the Communist Party majority 
forced their own program (includ- 
ing such issues as defense of Soviet 
Russia, condemnation of the leaders 
of the Socialist International, etc.) , 
despite the heated protest of other 
croups, particularly the Socialists. 
The reoeated charges of: "You re 
railroading things thrue" was met 
with, "Throw him out!" or "Make 
him show his credentials!" Saner 
delegates, amidst the booing of the 
Y.C.L. and N. S. "L. people, insist- 
ed that thev could not carry back 
to their college campuses a mini 
mum program demanding defense 
of Soviet Russia. Socialist delegates 
pleaded against the resolution 
-ensuring the leaders of the Second 
International on the ground that 
*hey could take no further part in 
the congress after such a "slap in 
the face," but the majority group 
overruled their protest without 

Toward the end of the confer- 
ence, after midnight Thursday, 
th'-re remained only the considera- 
:' a permanent organization, 
plans for immediate activity and 

election of officers for the Na- 
tional Committee. Thus, by far the 
most important features tof the 
conference received most inade- 
quate treatment. Then the controll- 
ing forces hit a snag in the refusal 
of one minority delegate after an- 
other to accept nomination for the 
National Committee. By necessitv 
the official Communist group had 
to rescind its resolution censuring 
the Second International and had 
to agree that delegates "represent- 
ing every shade of political opin- 
ion" would be nominated for the 
National Committee. Thus a Na- 
tional Committee, a really united 
front representation, was "hitched 
up" during the short time in which 
the delegates were only able to 
give vocal approval. What will 
come out of this "hotheaded" youth 
conference? Probably the minority 
delegates will return to their col- 
lege campuses with thumbs down 
on a united front, based on of- 
ficial Party tactics, and will broad- 
cast their opinion of Communists 
in general. 

Lou Agres 

A Letter from a Worker 

Geneva, Switzerland. 

The preparatory conference has 
begun here, under auspices of the 
International Labor Buro of the 
League of Nations, on the 44-hour 
week as a remedy for uneinnloy- 
ment. On the opening day (Jan- 
uary 11), however, the gathering 
was already deadlocked, owing to 
the opposition of the employers 
groups, supported bv the various 
government delegates, to the plan 
in general, but above all, to the 
demand that the hours be cut with- 
out reductions in wages. The Brit- 
ish government was especially 
vigorous in opposition. 

The British trovernment urged 
the conference "not- to waste any 
time pursuing this phantom of a 
44-hour convention" for. even i f 
adopted, it would not be ratified 
but merely cause "dangerous wage 
di?nute=." The em nl overs g^nip 
reiected the convention as "im- 
practicable and certain to defeat 
its ends by increasing the cost of 
production, rost of living and un 

Jouhaux. the leader of the 
French Confederation of Labor, 
spoke for the labor group. decW- 
me that, at a time when over RO.- 
000-000. or about 169?-. of the 
workers of the world were unem 
ploved, some sort of action was 
Tnpn'essarv on an interna Hon^l scal^. 
Even when the m-esent crisis will 
eive wav. he ^aid. unemrdovmpnt 
on a mass scale will continue. He 

Dear Editor: 

Thanks for writing up the situa- 
tion in Local 3 of the I. B. E. U. 
If you print this in your paper I 
will be thankful. 

At our last meeting, our offic- 
ers came in 100% prepared to put 
their stuff across. Before the 
regular union meeting the dele- 
gates went around the jobs in- 
structing the men working that 
they must be present at the local 
meeting to vote as instructed. The 
administration clubs, such as the 
Kingsboro S. & A., the Friday 
Nighters, and the Acorns and 
others held special meeting at 
Which all those present were in- 
structed to support the administra- 

At the union meeting, we were 
all let in for a good treat. Bart 
Cortmen, a business agent, made a 
motion: "We go on record against 
two scales of wages." Surprise 
Number Two was given to us by 
Jerry Sullivan, another administra- 
tion man; he made an amendment 
that we go on record for one scale 
of wages of $13.20 a day. So far 
so good. 

From these two motions many 
of the members got the impression 
that the administration was 
against reducing the $13.20 scale 
of wages or adopting a $9 scale 
for alteration work. But here is 
where the ioker comes in. A third 
administration man, Gerald Duffy, 
made an amendment to the amend- 
ment that we give the officers a 
chance for a graceful retreat in 
the event thev cannot come to 
terms with the employers bv allow- 
ing them to "arbitrate." The par- 
liamentary net of the administra- 
tion was now completely drawn, 
there being three motions before 
the house, the limit allowed bv the 
Broach constitution. During all the 

also warned that the workers 
grouD would not accept the agree- 
ment unless it provided against 
rh" cutting of wages. 

Present prospects are that the 
prenaratorv conference will end in 

time those motions were being made 
the chairman was blind and deaf 
to all the attempts of opposition 
speakers who tried to get the floor 
to make a motion. 

After the amendment to the 
amendment was made, which is 
the first motion to be voted on, 
President Wilson stated that he 
was going to allow as much dis- 
cussion as possible, and that every 
one would get a chance to express 
himself (even the they could not 
make a motion in line with their 
opinions). Several brothers tried 
to point out that the motion to 
arbitrate was out of order, because 
a motion had been passed at a 
previous meeting not to arbitrate 
According to the union constitu- 
tion, a motion to reconsider must 
be carried by a two-thirds vote be- 
fore we can consider a matter 
which has already been passed 
upon. But what's a little thing like 
a constitution when it hinders the 
administration? After Solomon, of 
organizing committee fame, who 
tore up vouchers for several mil- 
lion dollars, spoke, cries thruout 
the hall were made by machine 
men to close discussion. This the 
chairman proceeded to do altho he 
promised that he would allow full 
discussion on all motions. 

When the vote was taken there 
was a slight majority against 
arbitration despite the confusing 
tactics of the administration, tac- 
tics which tried to create the im- 
pression that the administration 
was against two scales of wages. 
President Wilson, however, declar- 
ed the arbitration amendment car- 
ried. He immediately proceeded to 
close the meeting before anyone 
could ask for a recount. Now that 
the administration has clear sail- 
ing to arbitrate wage matters, it 
will try to disclaim all responsib- 
ility for the results. The members 
must remember how Pries stated 
he would break a leg in order to 
save the $13.20 scale of wages. 
The members will have to take 
steps to defeat arbitration if they 
want to save their union standards. 
Electrical Worker 


41 What Is the Com- 
munist Opposition?' 

by B. D. Wolfe 

10 cents 

In bundles of ten or more 

6 cents 

Order N o w I 


228 Second Avenue 

New York City 

On the "Russian Question 


(Continued from -page 4) 

da" editorial which declared: "Unless 
the opposition disavows its policies 
and activities in time ... the Com- 
munist Party itself Will carry the 
fight against the opposition to the bit- 
ter end, making all the necessary con- 

From the above statement it is 
evident that the "Age" was quite 
emphatic in presenting the position 
of our grouo that the Stalin line 
-Tor the Soviet Union was wrong. 
Tt even goes so far to state that the 
fight against the line of the Stalin 

regime by Bukharin. Rykoff, Tom- 
sky was for a Leninist line. We 
knew verv well then that the fight 
of these three and their associates 
was against the Stalinist policies 
in industry and agriculture, 
against the whole Stalinist general 
line of socialist construction. We 
were not afraid to state that the 
fight of Rykoff, Tomsky and Buk- 
harin was for a correct Leninist 
line as against the wrong general 
line of the Stalin regime. It will 
take a lot of explaining on the part 

of Comrade Lovestone and those 
who support his present view to ex- 
plain how the incorrect, non-Len- 
inist line of the Stalin regime be- 
came a correct line, especially now 
when the results of the Stalinist 
policies in life prove the contrary. 
Further statements to the effect 
that the Stalin regime adopted the 
policies of Trotskyism appeared in 
the "Revolutionary Age" of Jan- 
uary 15, 1930. In a statement en- 
titled: "Who Has Adopted Trot- 
skyism" the "Age" states: 

"If any proof were needed of the 
ideological affinity between many basic 
tenets of Trotskyism and the present 
line of the Ecci and the various Par- 
ty leadership, the speech of Stalin at 
the last Congress of Agricultural ex- 
perts has furnished it. In this speech 
he declared openly and frankly that the 
present policies are those proposed by 
Trotsky two years ago and for which 
Trotsky was expelled. Only Trotsky 
was "premature". This is an open 
shameless revision of the traditional 
estimation by the Comintern and the 
Russian Party of the Trotskyism as 
"Menshevism hiding beneath left 
phrases." This i-j the road for the 
open incorporation of the anti-Lenin- 
ist views of Trotsky into the program 
of the Comintern. Is it any wondet 
that all the most outstanding Trotsky- 
ites arc rushing back to the party and 
finding an open-armed welcome there?" 

The speech of Comrade Stalin 
here referred to was to the Con- 
gress of Agricultural Experts of 
the Soviet Union on the industrial 
and agricultural policies of the 
Stalin regime. Stalin did not re- 
fer to Comintern policies but to 
Russian policies, to his general 
line. Says the "Age" it contained 
the basic tenets of Trotskyism for 
which Trotsky was expelled from 
the Russian party. It is very clear 
that at that time our group saw 
very clearlv Trotskyism in the gen- 
eral line. Then we branded it cor- 
rectly as a shameless revision of 
the correct general line. But it is 
no more shameless and unprincip- 
led than the revision of our group's 
oosition to full sunoort of the Trot- 
skyist un-Leninist line of the Stal- 
in regime. 

(Continued in the next issue) 


{Confirmed from page 3) 

t opt party is its supreme 

vt for the masses and for 

" ' farm of mass wotTc Accord- 

" ' the new line, all or^aniza- 

- ^-actionarv Wdershio 

- abandoned." The new 

too "pure" to work 

"- -" -y, backward workers and 

- t ]f-ader=hin of these 

All workers in the A. F. . 
other unions under right 

rol are lumped tosreth** | 

- pie term "social- i 

' rti ''■ fima making work among ! 

' a ry. The faithful are 

with the explanation 

>ch a radicalization 

i be workers are 

' t with revolt," are running 

party. The united 

- - ; .-- m was the fore- 

gre&t weapon 

^-arian unity and tht great 

tnng and politic- 

g the masses, for 

" ; • - • -. ray from reac- 

eadership, has been aban- 

; - -oortunism. Whoever 

rim's method* today is 

an opportunist and 

- •■ ■ ri wrist. 

' - -. be forth** from the 

of Lenin than this whole- 

. . pattering of every form of 

Bportonitt, petty bour- 

iemocrat, cap- 

.'• ' .' ... ajyj capitalist 

tth the single label of 

v * Racist." The ordinary pro- 

cess of capitalist government, such 
as the conviction of workers by 
capitalist courts, suddenly become 
"fascism" as if capitalist demo- 
cracy" had nothing to do with in- 
justice against the workers, the use 
of police and troops against pick- 
ets, as if capitalist democracy did 
not represent a brutal naked dic- 
tatorship by the capitalist class, as 
if hie: business never ruled America 
before. All of Lenin's, all of Marx s 
teachings on the nature of capital- 
ist democracy count for naught 
with the dunderheads of the new 
j course. * * * 

Lenin The Party Builder 
Lenin's teachings on the nature 
of party life, on discipline, on 
party democracy on the role of the 
artv have been forgotten by the 
loadprs of the new course. In place 
of developing theoretical life we 
L a nW-t desperate effort to 
Suppress aH discussion. Workers 
are not permitted to say anything. 
not even to ask questions. Th( 7^c 
LrWed to make "statements' and 
SStti tdS what the statements 

sorted to. , 

! The Social-democrats have al- 
;„aV? contended that the Com»u»- 
list Party was organized like a 

church, that everything had to be 
taken on faith, that there was no 
possibility of discussion, that dis- 
cipline was nothing but dictator- 
ship from above. Today, the new 
"leadership" of the Communist 
International is trying to nistifv 
these Social-democratic slanders of 
Communist discipline. Lenin long 
ago answered the Social-democratic 
slanders and the present methods 
prevailing in the party when he 
wrote : 

"And fir^t the question arises: Upon 
what rests the discipline of the revo- 
lutionary party of the proletariat? How 
i^ it tested; controlled, reinforced. 
strengthens First: by the clarity r.l 
aim of the proletarian vanguard and 
by its rlrvotinn tf *hc revolution by 
its rteadiiiess. spirit nf self-sacrifice 
and heroism. Scronr] : by its ability to 
1-ad th- to ; lin(r masses, to form con- 
tact with them and to a certain ex- 
tent to fu«e itself with the proletarian 
mas*e<i primarily, but al=o with the 
non-proletarian toilers Third: by the 
correctness of the political leadership 
carried out by the vaneuard and by 
tb- corrertne<« of its political strategy 
and tactics, based on the idea that the 
workers convince themselves of the 
KKindnesi of 'his political leadership, 
stratesv and tarnc* thru their own ex- 
perience. Without all thnr conditions, 
discipline in * revolutionary party, 
really capable of becoming a party ol 
1 anced class who-c object is to 
overthrow th- bourgeoisie and ;-*olU ( 
tiotmc all of society. >■■ unposiblr o< 
realization. Wiihr.u< theee conditions. 
„,] -j,,,, - k» en it< ■' eipline result 
ffi -mr.'v phrasea, in tomfoolery, in 


Who <'?tn imagine Lenin endors- 
ing a wrong line or ceatdng to f ieh+ 
for a correct one. in order to hold 
a party post? To give up one's 

principles, to cease to fight for a 
correct Communist line, to make an 
unprincipled endorsement of a line 
which you know is wrong, is to 
cease to be a Communist, tho you 
hold a membership card and a 
functionary's post or a dozen posts. 
If Lenin were alive today, and 
n the American party, with his 
theory of the united front, his _ in- 
sistence on working in all organiza- 
tions of the masses, his "exception- 
alism". his belief in realistic 
analysis as the basis for tactics, 
how long would he last as a mem- 
ber of our party under its present 
leadership? What would he say to 
the comrade summoned to the con- 
trol commission to make "state- 
ments"? What would he say to 
those who debate whether they 
sould give up the struggle to cor- 
rect the line of the party because 
thev are threatened with ex- 

"You must and you certainly will 
understand that once a member of the 
party is convinced of the absolute in- 
correctness and harm of a certain doc- 

i stand 

So Lenin answered once before 
and never were Communists more 
in need of such advice than at the 
oresent moment when a crisis 
threatens our movement with de- 
struction in America and on an 
international vcale. 

* * * 

Lenin Today 
"If Lenin were alive," some com- 
rades sav. "then we would never 
have hrtd the present crisis." But 
it is idle to speculate, Lenin can 
no longer r-ontributc to the solution 

of our problems, but Leninism can. 
The thing for every Communist to 
do by way of commemoration of 
the Lenin anniversary is to absorb 
and apply his teachings and fight 
for Communist unity and the re- 
establishment of a Leninist line in 
our party and in the Comintern! 


(Continued from page 3) 
already approved the report of the 
election board and that the pres- 
tige of the local would suffer. He 
asked for a postponement of the 
hearing. Upon his recommendation, 
the appeals committee postponed 
the hearing for an indefinite 

New elections in Local 10 are 
probable, providing the manager, 
Perlmutter, will be able to carry 
this proposal or a similar proposal 
; n the executive of the local, which 
is considered very doubtful by 
those close to the local and to the 
union generally. 


(Continued from page 3) 
must be organized with two great 
obiectives: (1) the enactment of 
effective labor legislation against 
thf sweatshop, including Federal 
anti-child labor laws, and (2) the 
organization of the workers in the 
sweatshop trades into unions. All 
tendencies in the labor movement 
and friendly to it must join forces 
in this great crusade! 



Workers Age 

Published Twice Monthly '■ 

Worker* Arc PubttsMnf Assn.. 72$ Second Ave, New York. N. Y. 

Phone; GRann r< j WJ903 

,v,,;., i ■ ■' \ ■ ' Council of tkr 


C l |5 ,i year. $0.78 six ninths. 

VOL 2 No 8 

February 1, 19 J 3. 


THE COmpletioa oi the Soviet Five-Year Plan, officially announced 
recently, is an event of world historical dimensions. It is not 
■tardy nor t^cn largely, a question of plan figures achieved or sur- 
passed thesr nutters are of great consequence indeed, but far deeper 
l5 ,, of the Five-Year Plan as the threshhold to a new 

*tage ol the development of mankind, to a socialist society, without 
exploitation and without classes! 

The great objectives of the Fivc-Year Plan were precisely to _ pro- 
vide the pterequisites for the construction of an harmonious socialist 
economy. And that these objectives have been fulfilled, far beyond 
original expectations, can hardly be denied. The Soviet Union is now 
on the straight road to becoming an advanced industrial country with 
a firm and unshakable basis in heavy industry. The ever menacing 
contradiction between socialist industry and capitalist agriculture has 
been definitely, tho not completely or finally, overcome thru the world- 
shaking process of collectivization. The natural resources of the coun- 
tNKVC been greatly developed, all forms of economic life extended 
at an unprecedented tempo, the working class enormously enlarged, 
trained, and its standards raised. But most important of all, the so- 
cialist base of the national economy has been expanded so as to em- 
brace not only practically the whole of industry and trade but the 
decisive sections of agriculture as well, thus radically transforming the 
basic relations of town and country. Only the stultifying bias of reac- 
tionary class prejudice can blind one to the profound significance of 
these great histoncaj changes. 

The execution of the Fivc-Year Plan took place on the background 
of the most severe economic crisis in the history of the capitalist world. 
Yet it was precisely in this period that the Soviet Union made its 
greatest advances, jumping, in industrial production, from the index 
figure of 100 in 1928 to 234 in 1932. Nevertheless, it would be ignorant 
folly to maintain that the Soviet economy can isolate itself from the 
influence of the world market and thus escape entirely the impact of 
the crisis. The enormous difficulties brought by the crisis were sup- 
plemented by those arising out of the Far-Eastern situation, the wide- 
spread drought of last year and other factors — all combining to make 
the year 1932 a hard one indeed! In spite of everything, however, the 
Five- Year Plan was accomplished — a tribute to the energy, devotion, 
readiness to sacrifice and determination to conquer of the Soviet prole- 
tariat and the Soviet Communist Party. 

The accomplishment of the Five-Year Plan uncovered very serious 
shortcomings, very grave problems, which can be neglected or denied 
only at great risk. The negative consequences of the extremely rapid 
tempo of development and of the relative sacrifice of light industry, 
both absolutely necessary and inevitable under the circumstances, must 
now be counteracted and systematically overcome — the "goods short- 
age," the lar?e labor turnover, the high unit cost of production, the 
low labor productivity. AH of these problems are being faced realisti- 
cally by the Soviet leaders and decisive measures for their solution 
have already been taken. Unfortunately, however, one obstacle, and a 
terious one at that, in the way of the most rapid and most effective 
construction of socialism, is still unrecognized by the Communist Party 
of the Soviet Union and consequently unmet — the undemocratic, un- 
Leninist and oppressive regime in the Communist Party itself, which 
■tifles mdependsnt thought, makes significant self-criticism impossible, 
and contmuilly narrows down the basis of leadership in the party. But 
here, too, the objective course of socialist development, with its implica- 
tions for the Soviet proletariat and Soviet party masses, holds out the 
promise of great improvement; here, too, the revolution will prove able 
to solve its problems ... 

. *J h J F,v ?; Ycar Plan ha ± ca b*cd the attention of the whole world 
tne fact that the great Russian Revolution of November 1917 was 
not merely a political transforation, profound tho it may be, but that 
InTr. i * i *} "f w u stagc in l "c social evolution of mankind. 

In this lies its incalculable historical significance! 

The Results of the First 
Five Year Plan 

From The Report Of Stalin To The Plenum 

II, ptibliah below extracts from 
Walter lHmnHit'n rr } x>rt ("AW 

) ,.,-;, Timet", January i<>, L888) 
of the report <>f Comrade stai,» to 

tin plenary eestion of the Cent ml 

Committa of the Communiat Party 
of the Soviet Union. The problems 

raised in the rcjtorl are of great 

importance to the world Conv- 
muniet movement und are of 
special tianifioanee in connection 
n-ith tht discussion of the "Russian 

i" thnt has been going on 

Age." — Kilt tor. 


in the 


? Y JU AnS nt th l ab r U [, d " ' S frc ^ uc "tly the most effective form 
Otter fallacy and dangerous consequences of dual 

SS^LSS m %t? 10 ? d " ar in the Jatcst and mos * ^ rci "l move fn 

■ V. L. A„ publphewind comments sympathetically upon the 

- o the Central Labor Union of Gillespie Uhnois 

ZLl ' fh "> country to secede from the A F of I 

fan .he -Pro^.^ F^ A i L&= 

Iiufcv ;: f " f Jradc „? n <* L »°or Alliance, a new 

ProMtn of Consolidating and uniting the 

—-aorry f arcc and i 6 certain 
the American la-,, ' J«l of curiositiea of 

draw ■! of 'tfc >r "" H iihh " li wM 

UOI the victonout left w,n K in the 

the miner.* ol the 

■ / - what --d their succe.. mean 

' ' ' / • - / waiiz.tion, furthei di.integration ot 

U* wmger. m progressives m 
/ | , "'od "ufh oF the word,, of W.l- 

"<t rr; r \;: r ;rr t K lly ■ i r^ « **#* 

Moscow, U.S.S.R, 

For the first time Stalin clearly 
defined tho meaning and purpoaQ 
Of the Five-Year Plan, as the Bol- 
sheviki conceived it and its historic 
importance to the Union of Social- 
ist Soviet Republics and to the 
world. He declared the "plan had 
succeeded beyond the expectations 
of the most enthusiastic" and that 
!K{.7'/, of the industrial program 
had been accomplished. 

The G.3% lug, he said, had been 
due to "the unwillingness of neigh- 
boring countries to conclude non- 
agression pacts" and to war dan- 
ger generally, which had compelled 
the diversion of a number of fac- 
tories to the needs of national de- 

Then the Soviet leader proceeded 
with an explanation of the purpose 
of the plan, the fundamental ob- 
ject of which, he said, had been to 
remove ' the contradiction between 
socialized industry — that is, the re- 
sult of the urban proletarian revo- 
lution — and small peasant indi- 
vidualism, which had resulted from 
the peasant revolution involving 
the expulsion of the landlords and 
the division of the land. 

Stalin asserted a successful so- 
cialist state was impossible unless 
this contradiction was removed and 
that such removal was possible 
only by establishing a solid indus- 
trial basis for big-scale, socialized 
agriculture. Otherwise, he contin- 
ued, while socialist industry was 
destroying capitalism, individualist 
agriculture would be breeding 
capitalist elements. 
* * * 

Why Speed Was Essential 

"While small peasant individual- 
ism remained." he said, "the dan- 
ger of a capitalist restoration re- 
mained greatest. Therefore, it waa 
the Soviet's task to provide a self- 
sufficient industrial basis for col- 
lective agriculture at all costs and 
at the utmost speed, which meant 
the development of heavy industry 
and machine construction." 

To the questions — Has the speed 
been too fast? Have the results 
been worth while? the sacrifices 
greater than anticipated?— -Stalin 
said firmly the Bolshevik! had 
known and discounted the costs 
beforehand and were not afraid of 

The results had been fully worth 
while, he said. The frantic f emtio 
adopted had not only been right 
but absolutely necessary to meet 
nossible attacks by enemies at 
home find abroad, he asserted. 

Had the soeerl not been thus 
rushed the Soviet Union might 
now be in the position of China, 
hut. as it WAS. capitalism had been 
eliminated from industry and its 
foundations in agriculture destroy- 
ed he said 

Did thil mean the same speed 

must be maintained In tie- second 

nlan? No. he explained because, 

fir t a solid foundation for Indus- 
trial and rural socialism bad al- 
ready been laid: *ccond the nn- 

fcional 'tefen'-e had been adenuatelv 

strengthened, and, third, it was 

now paramount to master the new 

technlaue, the new factories and 

the new methods, which could not 
be rilKberl in p 1 , i j r ■ I of entho 1;. m 
ft* ff] the bnihMni/ of the plant* 

Tim he reckoned an annua! In 

rrre*«e of \:<<', \< t \,\>/ / j„ ; ll( i„. t ,.j,,| 

production b**»cefoTtlj ■■ sufflclen* 
"•omnared wlfcJ] ?.2<J{ In ih- naet 

four ;,.„! „ f„,.. r t>r veil r* bill Hj 

said d, wax sfgnlflcan< rhai thfl 
HTOwtti •>, \t\'f, planned foi 10*18 

I I] U"M y i .!,-.■ In VOl e 

ttmil the growth of t\i\'f, \ n jo?/,. 

Amu tiit-uiii Problems 

Analyzing th»- ftgricultutal situa- 

tion Stalin said the problem or 

COnVOrtlng small individual farms 
Into l>'K socialized units had al- 
ready Been solved and that this 

had increased the oniantity of 

jrrain mobilized in the hands of the 

government from 10,000,000 tons 
yearly to 22,000,000 tons. 

There are now more than 
200,000 collectives and 5,000 state 
farms, including 00 % of the pcas- 
a and 70% of the cultivated 
land, the area of which has 
increased 50,000,000 acres in the 
past four years, he said. 

This is an enormous advance, he 
asserted. He asked what would be 
said or a country that built 2. r >,000 
new factories in a year, adding 
that the U. S. S. R. had built far 
more than 25,000 great new collec- 
tive grain factories annually. 

It was argued by some that this 
was not a paying proposition, he 
continued, but he said a few years 
ago the same was true of half the 
textile plants, tho that was no 
reason to abandon them. Likewise 
with the Nizhni-Novgorod automo- 
bile plant and some metallurgical 
plants, he said. It was a question 
of general national economy, he 
said, and of non-paying becoming 
paying with time, and experience. 
The older collectives, he contended, 
had proved that beyond doubt. 

The speaker asked whether it 
was right to rush the speed of col- 
lectivization, and answered that it 
was, to cut the ground from under 
the kulaks (rich peasants) and 
complete and utilize the nationali- 
zation of land, hut that here, too, 
the tempo might be slowed in the 
future. What is most important 
now is organization, he insisted. 

Gains For Workers 
Stalin maintained that the ma- 
terial position of the workers and 
peasants had been greatly improv- 
ed by the Five- Year Plan. It had 
abolished unemployment and inse- 
curity among workers; it had abol- 
ished inequality between rich and 
poor peasants, he asserted. 

He cited the steady rise of wages 
and the increase in communal feed- 
ing and state insurance, and he 
made a biting reference to urban 
and rural conditions in capitalist 
countries. He stressed the develop- 
ing socialized commerce and de- 
clared a foods supply in tho hands 
of the state was better backing for 
the currency than gold. 

Stalin's final words contained 
the assertion that, desnite diffirul 
ties, the Five-Year Plan and the 
socialized system had definitely 
proved their superiority over de- 
caying capitalism. 

What Next in Germany? 

Thursday Evening, Jan. 26 
8:00 P. M. 

Brooklyn Labor Lyceum 

!M!) Willoughby Avenue 

Hall Room No. 8. 

Brooklyn, N. Y, 

A DM I SSI ON Fit /<; E f 


Will apv.itlc on 

"What Is Doing* In The 

Soviet Union?" 

Sunday, Jan. 19, 1933 

6 no P M. 

Elizabeth Peahody Home 
257 Charlfl Street 

Admission FVa< ' 

Auspices : 

Work** Educational circle 

Lumpkin. Macaulay Publishers, 
New York, 1932. 

The title of this book is the 
threat Of -lack the Giant Killer's 
giant; "Fee fi fo fmr) .... I'll 
grind his hones to make my bread." 
Hut this time the giant is the 
factory system and the victory of 
Jack is in terms of a group of mill 
workers, highly individualized 
thruout the story but achieving 
finally a group personality and 
force in their organized upsurge 
again.Ht the giant who had crunhed 
hope and satisfaction out of their 
lives. Nor is the end of the strug- 
gle an easy fairy-tale victory. 

"I was feeling as if everything 
was finished," is the despairing 
conclusion of John, the worker- 
hero of the book. 

No," the more experienced 
strike organizer answers him. "This 
is just the beginning." And he, as 
well as John, knows that their 
young union has been crushed, 
their relief station demolished 
some of their bravest comradcf 
killed because they, as workers 
had dared to fight against the ter- 
rible evils which industrialism 
brings into the South. 

The first half of the book is laid 
in the Smoky Mountains where 
John is born to Emma in a lonely, 
windswept shack. There is primi- 
tive scarcity and need in the home 
of the "poor white trash," but 
courage, independence and pride 
too. Emma's persistent hope, in 
the face of successive disappoint- 
ments, that somehow, something 
will happen to improve conditions 
if only she can bear each today 
bravely, rings true and tragic. It 
is in interesting contrast to the 
hope held out by the birth of the 
workers organization which ulti- 
mately is as sure to win out as is 
Emma's individual effort is sure 
to fail. 

When the promise of a better 
life does come it is in the form of 
a press agent from the city mills. 
Eagerly the mountain folk follow 
him out of the frying pan of their 
hillside destitution into the fire of 
tho factory system with its crowd- 
ed shacks, occupational diseases, 
child labor, starvation of body and 
spirit — death! 

Tho story moves fast, showing 
manv of the characters so real as 
to be recognizable. Grandpap, 
cocky in the mountains, passing 
back preachers, judges, his daugh- 
ter and grandchildren, has the self- 
reliance and independence crushed 
out of him in the city struggles 
until he is willing to grovel his 
way into heaven by prayers, sub- 
mission and resignation on earth. 

Ora, John. Ronnie, Tom Moore, 
sharecroppers. Negro chain gangs, 
prostitutes, Ku Kluxers, relief 
workers, college girl company 
union organizers, "who urcre the 
starving housewives to broil, not 
fry, their meat and to give nlentv 
of milk and eggs to their children, 
ministers who talk always of 
equality in death but not in life, 
company doctors who own the 
drupr stores, union organizers from 
the North, give the book vivid color 
and scope. Finnllv the most excit- 
ing event in this book, which is hot 
with religious emotionalism, love 
struggles, shootings, personal con- 
flicts. W the dramatic strike in 
which the union, organized pain- 
fully out of individual needs and 
ambitions, acquires, even in its 
temporary defeat, a social charac- 
ter which lifts each member in it 
above himself in courage, purpose 
and newer. 

This story of a society m flux. 
of a croup of workers being mado 
and then being made conscious, IS 
an important contribution to cur- 
rent literature ami is all the more 
effective as propaganda because 
the writer appears to have set 
forth lust what she saw without 
nreaching or moralizing. Thev just 
"happen" to speak dynamically for 

K. R. Brand